Aguilar comes ashore at Cozumel: two editions of DíazBernal Díaz del Castillo, recalling events he witnessed on Cozumel · March 1519
Guerrero refuses the summons; his Maya wife sends Aguilar awayBernal Díaz del Castillo, reporting Aguilar's account; English by A. P. Maudslay · 1519 encounter
II · Are These Not Men? 1511–1512
Montesinos: the mortal-sin chargeAntonio de Montesinos, as reported by Bartolomé de las Casas · Advent 1511
Montesinos asks the colonists: Are these not men?Antonio de Montesinos, reported by Las Casas; English by Pedro Henríquez Ureña, reprinted in Lewis Hanke · Advent 1511
The charge: cruelty and tyrannyAntonio de Montesinos, reported by Las Casas; English by Pedro Henríquez Ureña, reprinted in Lewis Hanke · Advent 1511
The expected retraction becomes a renewed chargeAntonio de Montesinos, as reported by Bartolomé de las Casas · The following Sunday, December 1511
The officials demand a retractionBartolomé de las Casas, reporting the colonial delegation · December 1511
Hatuey names the Christians' god and throws away the goldBartolomé de las Casas, reporting Hatuey and his people; translated by Francis Augustus MacNutt · 1511
Hatuey and the Franciscan: the qualified answerBartolomé de las Casas, reporting an unnamed Franciscan and Hatuey · Cuba, conventionally 1512
Brevísima relación de la destrucción de las IndiasBartolomé de las Casas; English by Francis Augustus MacNutt · 8 December 1542
III · Children of the Sun 1528–1539
Malhado: compassion, prejudice and the islanders’ censureÁlvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca · 1542
An island healer’s challenge — reported speech adaptedÁlvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca · 1542
The healers and their essential negotiatorÁlvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca · 1542
Near Culiacán: healers and slave hunters — reported exchangeÁlvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca · 1542
The coastal years: captivity, trading and an uncertain routeÁlvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca · 1542
Mendoza retains Estevanico for the next expeditionAntonio de Mendoza · 1539
The cross-size signal on Marcos’s northern expeditionFray Marcos de Niza · 1539
The refused gourd and Estevanico’s answer — twice-mediated reportFray Marcos de Niza, reporting an unnamed companion · 1539
The mortality message relayed to MendozaAntonio de Mendoza, quoting Melchior Díaz’s report · April 17, 1540
IV · Of No Value 1534–1536
The first voyage, 1534Jacques Cartier; the relation is anonymous in the manuscript and is his voyage's account · 1534
The brothers disagree about the journey to HochelagaJacques Cartier’s voyage account; H. P. Biggar, editor and translator · 1535–1536
DonnaconaMarcel Trudel, Dictionary of Canadian Biography · 1966
Cartier calls the two interpreters roguesJacques Cartier’s voyage account; H. P. Biggar, editor and translator · 1535–1536
Domagaya and two Stadaconan women share the annedda treatmentJacques Cartier’s voyage account; H. P. Biggar, editor and translator · 1535–1536
Cartier acknowledges the recoveryJacques Cartier’s voyage account; H. P. Biggar, editor and translator · 1535–1536
Seizure of Donnacona and the brothers; the surviving girlCartier voyage narratives; 1541 account in Richard Hakluyt’s English (1600), reprinted by H. P. Biggar (1924) · 1536 and the 1541 voyage preface
V · The Fifteenth Judge 1542–1555
The New Laws of the IndiesCharles V (the laws were issued in his name) · November 20, 1542, Barcelona
Democrates secundus (On the Just Causes for War against the Indians)Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda · about 1544–1547
Democrates secundus: defense of innocents and compulsory hearingJuan Ginés de Sepúlveda; Spanish translation by Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo · c. 1544–1547
Apología: war and the innocentBartolomé de las Casas; English translation by Stafford Poole · 1550–1551
Apología: preaching and armed forceBartolomé de las Casas; English wording as quoted by Janet Burke and Ted Humphrey · Apología, 1550–1551
Apología: the closing appealBartolomé de las Casas; English translation by Stafford Poole · 1550–1551
Aquí se contiene una disputa: the record and its limitsDomingo de Soto; Bartolomé de las Casas, publisher; contextual analysis by Lewis Hanke · Hearings 1550–1551
Lienzo de Tlaxcala: the Tlaxcalans and the viceroy in the Mixtón WarTlaxcalan painters · about 1550
Tenamaztle’s petition: flight called rebellionFrancisco Tenamaztle, petition prepared with Bartolomé de las Casas · Council receipt: 1 June 1555
The Spanish Struggle for Justice in the Conquest of AmericaLewis Hanke · 1949
Ordenanzas de descubrimiento, nueva población y pacificación de las IndiasPhilip II · July 13, 1573, Bosque de Segovia
The expeditions and the Mixtón War: chronology behind the comparisonÁlvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca; expedition narrators; National Park Service; Tenamaztle · 1527–1542
VI · Christ Our Victory 1579–1587
The Spanish Colonie: testimony republished against SpainBartolomé de las Casas; Jacques de Miggrode, French intermediary; M.M.S., English translator · 1552 Spanish
Discourse of Western Planting: the anti-Spanish alliance pitchRichard Hakluyt · 1584 manuscript
Manteo and the 1584 voyage, Fort RaleighNational Park Service, Fort Raleigh National Historic Site
Two visitors in brown taffetaLupold von Wedel; English translation Gottfried von Bülow · October 18, 1584
A silver cup, a town and its cornAnonymous journal of Richard Grenville’s voyage · July 16, 1585
Account of the Englishmen left in Virginia, 17 August 1585 to 18 June 1586Ralph Lane · 1586
Wanchese in the company of Wingina’s surviving menJohn White, reporting Croatoan informants · 1587
Harriot describes illness and competing interpretationsThomas Harriot · 1588 report
Native explanations of illness, through HarriotUnnamed Carolina Algonquian speakers, as reported by Thomas Harriot · Experiences 1585–86
Pemisapan’s food strategy and his people’s argumentRalph Lane, reporting Pemisapan’s people · Spring 1586
Christ our victory: Lane’s signal and Wingina’s killingRalph Lane · June 1, 1586
Spare the corn; recognize us as friendsCroatoan people and Stafford’s English party, as reported by John White · July 30, 1587
The mistaken attack on Croatoan friendsJohn White · August 9, 1587
Manteo christened and given an English lordshipJohn White · August 13, 1587
The fifth voyage of John White: return to RoanokeJohn White; spelling and punctuation modernized by the National Humanities Center · 1590
Exam Room only
The second voyage, winter 1535–36, and the tree called AnneddaJacques Cartier; English by H. P. Biggar, 1924 · 1535–36
Apología, the defense read at ValladolidBartolomé de las Casas; English by Stafford Poole · 1550–51
Background
Act of UniformityParliament of England, in the first year of Elizabeth I · 1559
Politics, Book I, on slavery by natureAristotle · about 330 BCE
The first voyage made to the coasts of America, 1584Arthur Barlowe (one of the two captains; the report is unsigned in Hakluyt) · 1584
La relación, the narrative of the Narváez expeditionÁlvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca · printed 1542
Ambivalent Conquests: Maya and Spaniard in Yucatan, 1517–1570Inga Clendinnen · 1987
Códice de TlatelolcoNahua painters of Tlatelolco · about 1560s
Journal of the first voyage, Sunday 14 October 1492Christopher Columbus, in the abstract made by Bartolomé de las Casas; English in the Markham tradition · October 14, 1492
Letter to Luis de Santángel on the first voyage (Quaritch translation)Christopher Columbus · February 1493
Letter of Francisco Vázquez de Coronado to the viceroy, 3 August 1540Francisco Vázquez de Coronado · August 3, 1540
Second letter to Charles VHernán Cortés · October 30, 1520
Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New EnglandWilliam Cronon · 1983
Historia de la conquista de MéxicoFrancisco López de Gómara · 1552
A briefe and true report of the new found land of VirginiaThomas Harriot (the 1590 title page spells him Hariot) · 1588
Historia de las Indias, Book III, the cleric's regretBartolomé de las Casas; English by John-Charles Duffy · between about 1527 and 1561
Relación of the journey to CíbolaFray Marcos de Niza · 1539
Thomas Harriot (ca. 1560–1621)Michael G. Moran, Encyclopedia Virginia
Map of Tenochtitlan, Nuremberg, 1524Published with the Latin edition of Cortés's second letter · 1524
Historia general y natural de las IndiasGonzalo Fernández de Oviedo · first part printed 1535
Both brothers challenge French trading termsJacques Cartier’s voyage account; H. P. Biggar, editor and translator · 1535–1536
A diplomatic warning and the question about JesusJacques Cartier’s voyage account; H. P. Biggar, editor and translator · 1535–1536
The people refuse the claimed identityÁlvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca · 1542
Aguilar identifies himself to CortésBernal Díaz del Castillo · Event March 1519
English promises and English acts, 1584–1586Richard Hakluyt; the anonymous Tiger journal; Ralph Lane · 1584–1586
Fort Caroline and Matanzas in 1565National Park Service · 1565
Good treatment for a colonial purposeÁlvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca · 1542
Royal cédula concerning new conquests in PeruCharles V · April 16, 1550
John White records Virginia Dare’s birthJohn White · August 18, 1587
Recopilación de leyes de los reinos de las IndiasCrown of Spain (a code compiled under Charles II) · 1680
The Christmas rising of enslaved Africans on Hispaniola, 1521Spanish colonial record, as summarized by later historians · Christmas 1521
The Powhatan Indians of Virginia: Their Traditional CultureHelen C. Rountree · 1989
A Map of VirginiaJohn Smith · 1612
The Iberian Roots of American Racist ThoughtJames H. Sweet · January 1997
Petition of Francisco Tenamaztle to the Council of the IndiesFrancisco Tenamaztle, with Bartolomé de las Casas · June 1, 1555
The Tale of the Kettle: Odyssey of an Intercultural ObjectLaurier Turgeon · Winter 1997
The Verapaz experimentBartolomé de las Casas and the Dominicans of Guatemala; the pact with Alonso de Maldonado · May 2, 1537
Journey through England and ScotlandLupold von Wedel · 1584–1585
John White's account of the 1587 voyageJohn White · 1587
The fifth voyage of John White, 1590John White · 1590
John White to Richard Hakluyt, 4 February 1593John White · February 4, 1593
John White's Virginia watercolorsJohn White · 1585–1586
Reasons to be considered for justifying the plantation in New EnglandJohn Winthrop · 1629
The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of GuineaGomes Eanes de Zurara · about 1453
Barlowe names Wingina and WingandacoaArthur Barlowe (account attributed to him) · Voyage 1584
Wingandacoa: a recorded name and an uncertain later glossArthur Barlowe; later gloss attributed to Walter Ralegh; editorial provenance note · 1584 report
The song Lane welcomed and the warning Manteo gaveRalph Lane, reporting the party’s interpretation and Manteo · Spring 1586
Manteo’s grief and rebuke, as White reports themManteo, as reported by John White · After the 9 August 1587 raid
I · Yo Soy
1519
Remembered encounter · Spanish and translated English
Aguilar comes ashore at Cozumel: two editions of Díaz
Bernal Díaz del Castillo, recalling events he witnessed on Cozumel · March 1519
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
On screen: I · Yo Soy
English translation (1908 edition)
When Cortés saw him in this state, he too was deceived like the other soldiers, and asked Tapia “Where is the Spaniard?” On hearing this, the Spaniard squatted down on his haunches as the Indians do and said “I am he.”
Sourcing
Historical situation
Cortés sought Spaniards held on the Yucatán mainland. Aguilar arrived at Cozumel looking so much like his Maya companions that the soldiers and then Cortés did not identify him.
Intended audience
Readers of a conquest memoir, including royal officials and fellow veterans; the 1519 questions are addressed to Tapia and answered by Aguilar.
Purpose
To recount the veteran's part in the conquest and preserve episodes and people neglected in rival histories.
Point of view
Díaz was an eyewitness on Cozumel but wrote decades later. He was not present at Guerrero's house. The arrival scene is remembered dialogue, not a transcript. Kneeling, tears, and the soldiers' raised weapons are reconstructed staging, not established by this passage. The adapted label covers the multi-edition presentation and conversion of the Spanish question to direct speech; the cry and answer follow the cited Spanish text.
Díaz, Verdadera historia de los sucesos de la conquista de la Nueva-España, vol. I (Madrid: Imprenta de Tejado, 1862), ch. XXIX, pp. 118–119 (Spanish cry and answer; Gutenberg 64945). English subtitles and description: A. P. Maudslay, trans., The True History of the Conquest of New Spain, vol. I (Hakluyt Society, 1908), ch. XXIX, pp. 100–102. Maudslay prints Dios y Santa Maria de Sevilla. Cortés's Spanish question makes indirect speech direct; its English subtitle is Maudslay's actual wording.
Brother Aguilar, I am married and have three children and the Indians look on me as a Cacique and captain in wartime,—You go and God be with you, but I have my face tatooed and my ears pierced, what would the Spaniards say should they see me in this guise? and look how handsome these boys of mine are, for God’s sake give me those green beads you have brought and I will give the beads to them and say that my brothers have sent them from my own country.
What is this slave coming here for talking to my husband,—go off with you, and don’t trouble us with any more words.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Before Aguilar rejoined Cortés on Cozumel, he visited Guerrero in another Maya town and read the summons. Guerrero had a wife and three children and held a position as war captain.
Intended audience
Aguilar in the remembered encounter; later, the Spanish readers of Díaz's memoir.
Purpose
Díaz contrasts Aguilar's return with Guerrero's decision to stay with his family and describes the wife's refusal of Aguilar's intervention.
Point of view
Two stages of mediation: the wife spoke in her language to Aguilar; Aguilar told the story; Díaz wrote it decades later. Díaz did not witness the household exchange. The wife's name is unrecorded in this account, and her motives beyond the reported words should not be invented. The English excerpt is the edition's words; the in-scene presentation is reported speech and performed with marked cuts and normalized punctuation. Maudslay renders the Spanish oath ‘por vida vuestra’ as ‘for God’s sake’; this is the translator’s wording, not a recovered English utterance.
Díaz, The True History of the Conquest of New Spain, trans. A. P. Maudslay, vol. I (London: Hakluyt Society, 1908), ch. XXVII, p. 95; p. 96 identifies Guerrero as a sailor and native of Palos. The excerpt and performance retain the printed spelling tatooed. Marked cuts omit intervening words; capitalization at the start of a cut and punctuation are editorial. The scene performs a reported exchange, not an eyewitness transcript of the household.
Antonio de Montesinos, as reported by Bartolomé de las Casas · Advent 1511
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
On screen: II · Are These Not Men?
todos estais en pecado mortal y en el vivís y morís, por la crueldad y tiranía que usais con estas inocentes gentes.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Santo Domingo's main church, Advent 1511. The Dominican community agreed and signed a sermon condemning coercion and violence toward the Taíno. Diego Colón and the royal officials were invited.
Intended audience
The colonists in the church.
Purpose
To name their treatment of the Indians as mortal sin.
Point of view
A Dominican indictment of colonial violence, preserved by Las Casas decades later. He does not claim to have heard this sermon himself. It asserts Native humanity and obligations of Christian love; it is not a trial to decide whether Native people have souls. No exact December day is asserted: Las Casas's fourth-Sunday description and his Gospel reading produce a dating problem.
Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, lib. III, cap. IV, vol. III, ed. Marqués de la Fuensanta del Valle and José Sancho Rayón (Madrid, 1875), pp. 366–367; Gutenberg 53171. The subtitle is explicitly our English gloss. Excerpt is verbatim Spanish; status records the staged reported-speech presentation.
Antonio de Montesinos, reported by Las Casas; English by Pedro Henríquez Ureña, reprinted in Lewis Hanke · Advent 1511
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
On screen: II · Are These Not Men?; V · The Fifteenth Judge
English translation by Pedro Henríquez Ureña, 1945
Are these not men? Have they not rational souls? Are you not bound to love them as you love yourselves?
Sourcing
Historical situation
Santo Domingo's main church, Advent 1511. The Dominican community agreed and signed a sermon condemning coercion and violence toward the Taíno. Diego Colón and the royal officials were invited.
Intended audience
The assembled colonists and officials.
Purpose
To demand that Christian settlers recognize their obligations toward the people they exploit.
Point of view
A Dominican indictment of colonial violence, preserved by Las Casas decades later. He does not claim to have heard this sermon himself. It asserts Native humanity and obligations of Christian love; it is not a trial to decide whether Native people have souls. No exact December day is asserted: Las Casas's fourth-Sunday description and his Gospel reading produce a dating problem.
Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, lib. III, cap. IV; Pedro Henríquez Ureña, Literary Currents in Hispanic America (1945), pp. 15–16, as printed in Lewis Hanke, The Spanish Struggle for Justice in the Conquest of America (1949), p. 17. All three English questions match this printing. Status adapted identifies the historical staging of reported speech; the excerpt itself is verbatim. Our relative Sunday-before-Christmas wording follows Las Casas’s reported fourth Sunday of Advent (Historia III.4); no exact December calendar date is asserted, and the Gospel-reading dating problem remains noted above.
English translation by Pedro Henríquez Ureña, 1945
This voice says that you are in mortal sin, that you live and die in it, for the cruelty and tyranny you use in dealing with these innocent people.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Santo Domingo's main church, Advent 1511. The Dominican community agreed and signed a sermon condemning coercion and violence toward the Taíno. Diego Colón and the royal officials were invited.
Intended audience
Colonial officials and settlers.
Purpose
To indict the colonists' conduct, not Native beliefs.
Point of view
A Dominican indictment of colonial violence, preserved by Las Casas decades later. He does not claim to have heard this sermon himself. It asserts Native humanity and obligations of Christian love; it is not a trial to decide whether Native people have souls. No exact December day is asserted: Las Casas's fourth-Sunday description and his Gospel reading produce a dating problem.
Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, lib. III, cap. IV; Pedro Henríquez Ureña, Literary Currents in Hispanic America (1945), pp. 15–16, as printed in Lewis Hanke, The Spanish Struggle for Justice in the Conquest of America (1949), p. 17. All three English questions match this printing. Status adapted identifies the historical staging of reported speech; the excerpt itself is verbatim.
Antonio de Montesinos, as reported by Bartolomé de las Casas · The following Sunday, December 1511
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
On screen: II · Are These Not Men?
English translation
Tornaré á referir desde su principio mi sciencia y verdad, que el domingo pasado os prediqué, y aquellas mis palabras, que así os amargaron, mostraré ser verdaderas.
Sourcing
Historical situation
The congregation returned expecting Montesinos to retract. Las Casas instead reports a renewed sermon, with more reasons and authorities, condemning their oppression.
Intended audience
The same colonial congregation, expecting submission to its demand.
Purpose
To reaffirm the truth of the first sermon and insist that the colonists change their conduct.
Point of view
A Dominican indictment of colonial violence, preserved by Las Casas decades later. He does not claim to have heard this sermon himself. It asserts Native humanity and obligations of Christian love; it is not a trial to decide whether Native people have souls. No exact December day is asserted: Las Casas's fourth-Sunday description and his Gospel reading produce a dating problem.
Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, lib. III, cap. V, vol. III (Madrid, 1875), p. 370; Gutenberg 53171. Spanish overlay begins y aquellas. English speech is our labeled translation, not Hanke's translation. The Spanish is the edition's wording; status marks its presentation as reported speech. The continuation says the friars would refuse confession to those oppressors.
Bartolomé de las Casas, reporting the colonial delegation · December 1511
Dramatization. Dramatized, based on the record.
On screen: II · Are These Not Men?
Convenian todos en que aquel padre se desdijese el domingo siguiente de lo que habia predicado, y llegaron á tanta ceguedad, que les dijeron, si no lo hacian, que aparejasen sus pajuelas para se ir á embarcar é ir á España;
Sourcing
Historical situation
After the first sermon, officials confronted the Dominican vicar and Montesinos and demanded a public retreat the following Sunday.
Intended audience
Pedro de Córdoba and the Dominican community in the reported encounter; readers of Las Casas's history.
Purpose
The officials sought to defend the colonial labor regime and force the friars to withdraw their condemnation.
Point of view
Las Casas reports the group's demand critically. One explicitly fictional composite face carries the recorded collective position. Rain, the threshold and individual gestures are staging.
Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, lib. III, cap. IV, vol. III (Madrid, 1875), pp. 368–369; Gutenberg 53171. The Spanish excerpt is the printed narrative. The composite official's English line, Next Sunday, take back what you preached, dramatizes this collective demand; it is not a quotation or a newly attributed sentence from Diego Colón.
English translation by Francis Augustus MacNutt, 1909
because they have a God whom they greatly adore and love; and to make us adore Him they strive to subjugate us and take our lives.
Sourcing
Historical situation
A lord from Hispaniola fled with followers to Cuba and heard that the Christians would cross. Having experienced their violence and pursuit of gold, he assembled his people before a basket of valuables.
Intended audience
Hatuey's people in the reported story; Prince Philip and Spanish readers in Las Casas's published appeal.
Purpose
Hatuey's reported proposal sought protection from the invaders. Las Casas used the story to expose conquest driven by greed beneath a Christian claim.
Point of view
A Native interpretation preserved through a Spanish reformer about thirty years later. Las Casas did not witness this meeting; he says Native informants related it afterward. He was a secular priest and encomendero when he later participated in the Cuba campaign, not yet a Dominican and not the friar at the stake. The gold is thrown into a river; throwing away the basket is not established. The words quoted here are MacNutt's English of Las Casas's report, not a surviving Taíno-language transcript.
Las Casas, Brevísima relación de la destrucción de las Indias, De la isla de Cuba, §§2–4 (Seville, 1552; composed 1542), translated in F. A. MacNutt, Bartholomew de Las Casas: His Life, Apostolate, and Writings (Cleveland: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1909), pp. 329–330; Project Gutenberg 23466, not 20321. The performed excerpts are exact cuts of this English. Historical staging is reported speech, hence adapted status. Palm basket, all-night dancing and the report by Indians: Las Casas, Historia III.21, 1875 vol. III, pp. 465–466, Gutenberg 53171. That later history explicitly says ésto fué despues por los indios dicho, y entre nosotros publicado. The opened Gutenberg title page identifies Cleveland: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1909.
Bartolomé de las Casas, reporting an unnamed Franciscan and Hatuey · Cuba, conventionally 1512
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
On screen: II · Are These Not Men?
When he was tied to the stake, a Franciscan monk, a holy man, who was there, spoke as much as he could to him, in the little time that the executioner granted them, about God and some of the teachings of our faith, of which he had never before heard; he told him that if he would believe what was told him, he would go to heaven where there was glory and eternal rest; and if not, that he would go to hell, to suffer perpetual torments and punishment. After thinking a little, Hatuey asked the monk whether the Christians went to heaven; the monk answered that those who were good went there. The prince at once said, without any more thought, that he did not wish to go there, but rather to hell so as not to be where Spaniards were, nor to see such cruel people.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Captured after resisting the invaders, Hatuey was tied to a stake. An unnamed Franciscan offered Christian belief and heaven in the brief time allowed before his execution.
Intended audience
Hatuey and the friar in the reported encounter; Prince Philip and Spanish readers in Las Casas's appeal.
Purpose
Las Casas uses the refusal to condemn the reputation for cruelty created by Christians in the Indies.
Point of view
Reported indirect speech composed about thirty years later, published forty years after the conventional event date. The friar says yes, but those who are good. The question concerns Christians, not Spaniards. MacNutt adds Spaniards in Hatuey's refusal where the Spanish uses a pronoun; the script follows the Spanish. The source offers belief, not an explicit baptism sentence. No exact execution day, Yara location or Guahaba origin is established in this passage. Las Casas was not the unnamed Franciscan.
Las Casas, Brevísima relación de la destrucción de las Indias (Seville, 1552), Cuba §6. Excerpt follows the modernized Spanish transcription at Archivos de la Agenda Latinoamericana, El cacic Hatuey prefereix l’infern, inspected 2026-10-04. Original-spelling Spanish in the primary-source dossier, quoting Moreno Mengíbar ed. (1991), pp. 17–18: preguntó al religioso si yvan christianos al cielo, El religioso le respondió que sí, pero que yvan los que eran buenos. Dixo luego el cacique sin más pensar, que no quería él yr allá, sino al infierno por no estar donde estuviessen y por no ver tanta cruel gente. English comparison: MacNutt (1909), p. 330, Gutenberg 23466. All four English performance lines are adaptations of indirect speech, not quotations; no line.quote fields are used.
The 1552 Seville title page. The English under it is MacNutt, 1909. John Carter Brown Library. Public-domain scan via Wikimedia Commons.
English translation by Francis Augustus MacNutt, 1909
The prince at once said, without any more thought, that he did not wish to go there, but rather to hell so as not to be where Spaniards were, nor to see such cruel people. … I saw all the above things and numberless others.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Finished in December 1542, while the New Laws were being framed, and printed in 1552 to force the court to face what conquest had done.
Intended audience
Prince Philip, and any reader who could be moved to restrain the conquerors.
Purpose
To shock the court into reform by a short account of killing and enslavement. Las Casas says he is leaving out most of what he saw.
Point of view
A bishop and former encomendero, writing as a witness and as an advocate. His numbers are his own, and historians still argue about them. The Hatuey scene is his telling, years later.
Bartolomé de las Casas, Brevísima relación de la destrucción de las Indias (Seville, 1552), English by Francis Augustus MacNutt, The Spanish Colonie / A Brief Account. The Hatuey sentence was read in the Stetson PDF of that English. 'I saw all the above things and numberless others' was read on constitution.org's copy of the same translation. Gutenberg ebook 20321 is MacNutt's English of the same book. Other translators word both sentences differently.
English translation by Buckingham Smith (1871 edition)
The Indians, at sight of what had befallen us, and our state of suffering and melancholy destitution, sat down among us, and from the sorrow and pity they felt, they all began to lament so earnestly that they might have been heard at a distance, and continued so doing more than half an hour. It was strange to see these men, wild and untaught, howling like brutes over our misfortunes. It caused in me as in others, an increase of feeling and a livelier sense of our calamity.
Five Christians, of a mess [quartered] on the coast, came to such extremity that they ate their dead; the body of the last one only was found unconsumed. Their names were Sierra, Diego Lopez, Corral, Palacios and Gonçalo Ruiz. This produced great commotion among the Indians giving rise to so much censure that had they known it in season to have done so, doubtless they would have destroyed any survivor, and we should have found ourselves in the utmost perplexity.
The whole number of men was three hundred: among them went the commissary, Friar Juan Xuarez, and another friar, Juan de Palos, three clergymen and the officers. We of the mounted men consisted of forty.
Sourcing
Historical situation
The surviving officer of the Narváez expedition describes the years 1528–1536 after returning to Spanish society.
Intended audience
The Spanish Crown and readers of the printed Relación.
Purpose
Account for the failed expedition, establish service and credibility, and recommend how to bring Native peoples under Christianity and imperial rule.
Point of view
The rescuer’s humanity and the Spanish writer’s contempt occupy the same paragraph. Our short quotation is a fragment of his description, not an islander’s speech. Ch. 14 reports cannibalism and Native censure. Smith says “ate their dead”; the Spanish says they ate one another. The narration does not claim that they killed one another, and no consumption is shown.
Cabeza de Vaca, Relación (Zamora, 1542), chs. 12 and 14, pp. 47 and 49–50; trans. Buckingham Smith (1871), in F. W. Hodge, Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States, 1528–1543 (1907). Opening overland-party count: the same narrative, ch. 5, p. 25 (Gutenberg 42841); this is the inland force, not the fleet total or an ethnic census.
An island healer’s challenge — reported speech adapted
Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca · 1542
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
On screen: III · Children of the Sun
English translation by Buckingham Smith (1871 edition)
On an island of which I have spoken, they wished to make us physicians without examination or inquiring for diplomas. They cure by blowing upon the sick, and with that breath and the imposing of hands they cast out infirmity. They ordered that we also should do this, and be of use to them in some way. We laughed at what they did, telling them it was folly, that we knew not how to heal. In consequence, they withheld food from us until we should practise what they required. Seeing our persistence, an Indian told me I knew not what I uttered, in saying that what he knew availed nothing; for stones and other matters growing about in the fields have virtue, and that passing a pebble along the stomach would take away pain and restore health, and certainly then we who were extraordinary men must possess power and efficacy over all other things. At last, finding ourselves in great want we were constrained to obey; but without fear lest we should be blamed for any failure or success.
Our method was to bless the sick, breathing upon them, and recite a Pater-noster and an Ave-Maria, praying with all earnestness to God our Lord that he would give health and influence them to make us some good return. In his clemency he willed that all those for whom we supplicated, should tell the others that they were sound and in health, directly after we made the sign of the blessed cross over them.
Sourcing
Historical situation
The surviving officer of the Narváez expedition describes the years 1528–1536 after returning to Spanish society.
Intended audience
The Spanish Crown and readers of the printed Relación.
Purpose
Account for the failed expedition, establish service and credibility, and recommend how to bring Native peoples under Christianity and imperial rule.
Point of view
The unnamed speaker is known only through Cabeza de Vaca. We make his indirect argument direct: stones and plants have virtue, so men can have healing power. Smith’s added “extraordinary” is omitted rather than claimed as the Native speaker’s description. Food withholding, breathing and the Christian cross are narrated from this chapter. No independent wording or Native-language sentence survives here.
Cabeza de Vaca, Relación (Zamora, 1542), ch. 15, pp. 52–54; trans. Buckingham Smith (1871), in F. W. Hodge, Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States, 1528–1543 (1907).
English translation by Buckingham Smith (1871 edition)
We remained with the Avavares eight months, reckoned by the number of moons. In all this time people came to seek us from many parts, and they said that most truly we were children of the sun. Dorantes and the negro to this time had not attempted to practise; but because of the great solicitation made by those coming from different parts to find us, we all became physicians, although in being venturous and bold to attempt the performance of any cure, I was the most remarkable.
We possessed great influence and authority: to preserve both, we seldom talked with them. The negro was in constant conversation; he informed himself about the ways we wished to take, of the towns there were, and the matters we desired to know.
We passed through many and dissimilar tongues. Our Lord granted us favor with the people who spoke them, for they always understood us, and we them. We questioned them, and received their answers by signs, just as if they spoke our language and we theirs; for, although we knew six languages, we could not everywhere avail ourselves of them, there being a thousand differences.
Sourcing
Historical situation
The surviving officer of the Narváez expedition describes the years 1528–1536 after returning to Spanish society.
Intended audience
The Spanish Crown and readers of the printed Relación.
Purpose
Account for the failed expedition, establish service and credibility, and recommend how to bring Native peoples under Christianity and imperial rule.
Point of view
Estevanico performs the constant conversation while the other men preserve authority by speaking little. This division, dependence on Native guides, and the “children of the sun” report support the map. Successful cures and authority are the memoir’s claims. Its self-praise cannot be treated as clinical proof or a shared Native theology; the peoples on the road were distinct.
Cabeza de Vaca, Relación (Zamora, 1542), chs. 22 and 31, pp. 78 and 106; trans. Buckingham Smith (1871), in F. W. Hodge, Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States, 1528–1543 (1907).
English translation by Buckingham Smith (1871 edition)
Our countrymen became jealous at this, and caused their interpreter to tell the Indians that we were of them, and for a long time we had been lost; that they were the lords of the land who must be obeyed and served, while we were persons of mean condition and small force. The Indians cared little or nothing for what was told them; and conversing among themselves said the Christians lied: that we had come whence the sun rises, and they whence it goes down; we healed the sick, they killed the sound; that we had come naked and barefooted, while they had arrived in clothing and on horses with lances; that we were not covetous of anything, but all that was given to us we directly turned to give, remaining with nothing; that the others had the only purpose to rob whomsoever they found, bestowing nothing on any one. In this way they spoke of all matters respecting us, which they enhanced by contrast with matters concerning the others, delivering their response through the interpreter of the Spaniards.
Sourcing
Historical situation
The surviving officer of the Narváez expedition describes the years 1528–1536 after returning to Spanish society.
Intended audience
The Spanish Crown and readers of the printed Relación.
Purpose
Account for the failed expedition, establish service and credibility, and recommend how to bring Native peoples under Christianity and imperial rule.
Point of view
The unnamed interpreter voices the horsemen’s claims; the elder represents the group response, not an individually documented elder. The reply reached the writer through interpreters. “We are lords here” belongs to the slavers’ asserted authority, not to the interpreter personally. The adaptation changes pronouns and “sound” to “healthy”; the source excerpt keeps the original grammar. The phrase “our people” means claimed common identity. Near Culiacán is a regional location, not an exact camp coordinate.
Cabeza de Vaca, Relación (Zamora, 1542), ch. 34, pp. 113–115; trans. Buckingham Smith (1871), in F. W. Hodge, Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States, 1528–1543 (1907).
The coastal years: captivity, trading and an uncertain route
Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca · 1542
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
On screen: III · Children of the Sun
English translation by Buckingham Smith (1871 edition)
This occupation suited me well; for the travel allowed me liberty to go where I wished, I was not obliged to work, and was not a slave. Wherever I went I received fair treatment, and the Indians gave me to eat out of regard to my commodities.
Not to endure this life, Andrés Dorantes fled, and passed to the Mariames, the people among whom Esquivel tarried.
The negro told him we were seeking the people who made those fires. He answered that their houses were near by, and he would guide us to them. So we followed him.
Sourcing
Historical situation
The surviving officer of the Narváez expedition describes the years 1528–1536 after returning to Spanish society.
Intended audience
The Spanish Crown and readers of the printed Relación.
Purpose
Account for the failed expedition, establish service and credibility, and recommend how to bring Native peoples under Christianity and imperial rule.
Point of view
The liberty claim belongs specifically to Cabeza de Vaca’s trading interval. It is not Estevanico’s emancipation, and trading is not a uniform stage all four entered after Mariame captivity. Chapter chronology and modern route reconstructions disagree; the map represents regions and episodes, not a precise itinerary. Hodge’s introductory itinerary is editorial and is not adopted as a settled route.
Cabeza de Vaca, Relación (Zamora, 1542), chs. 16–20, pp. 55–74; trans. Buckingham Smith (1871), in F. W. Hodge, Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States, 1528–1543 (1907).
Mendoza retains Estevanico for the next expedition
Antonio de Mendoza · 1539
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
On screen: III · Children of the Sun
English translation (1890 edition)
I retained a negro who had come with Dorantes
Sourcing
Historical situation
Spanish authorities sought intelligence for further northern expeditions after the four travellers returned in 1536.
Intended audience
Viceroy Mendoza and the Spanish Crown.
Purpose
Report discoveries and justify further exploration and the author’s conduct.
Point of view
The narrator uses the narrower “retains” and “remains enslaved.” This fragment establishes retention; it does not settle a sale, loan or gift. A separate 1537 letter quoted in the same article uses purchase language, so the notes flag the conflicting record rather than silently resolving the transaction. No auction or specific transfer ceremony is staged. The source is reached through scholarship quoting the letter, not an original manuscript.
Mendoza, letter to the king, 1539, in Hammond and Rey (1940), pp. 51–52, quoted in “Following Estevanico: The Influential Presence of an African Slave in Sixteenth-century New World Historiography,” Colonial Latin American Review 15.2 (2006), note 4, DOI 10.1080/10609160600958645. Only the ten-word clause is excerpted. Direct corroboration of retention and dispatch, in a different English translation: Mendoza’s letter preceding Marcos, Goldsmid, Principal Navigations XIV (Edinburgh, 1890), p. 65, https://www.gutenberg.org/files/40803/40803-h/40803-h.htm . This does not establish the precise legal mechanism of transfer or authenticate the separate Hammond/Rey translation wording.
The cross-size signal on Marcos’s northern expedition
Fray Marcos de Niza · 1539
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
On screen: III · Children of the Sun
that if it were but a meane thing, hee should sende mee a white Crosse of one handfull long; and if it were any great matter, one of two handfuls long; and if it were a Countrey greater and better then Nueua Espanna, hee should send mee a great crosse.
a great Crosse as high as a man
Sourcing
Historical situation
Spanish authorities sought intelligence for further northern expeditions after the four travellers returned in 1536.
Intended audience
Viceroy Mendoza and the Spanish Crown.
Purpose
Report discoveries and justify further exploration and the author’s conduct.
Point of view
Marcos describes an agreed signal, then reports a cross as high as a man returning. It was news about claimed size and wealth, not proof of a golden city.
Marcos de Niza, relation to Mendoza, 1539, in Richard Hakluyt, Principal Navigations (1600), ed. Edmund Goldsmid, vol. XIV (Edinburgh: E. & G. Goldsmid, 1890), pp. 70–71; Gutenberg 40803.
The refused gourd and Estevanico’s answer — twice-mediated report
Fray Marcos de Niza, reporting an unnamed companion · 1539
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
On screen: III · Children of the Sun
he told mee that a dayes iourney before Stephan came to Ceuola he sent his great Mace made of a gourd by his messengers, as he was alwayes woont to send them before him, that hee might knowe in what sort hee came vnto them, which gourd had a string of belles vpon it, and two feathers one white and another red, in token that he demanded safe conduct, and that he came peaceably. And when they came to Ceuola before the Magistrate, which the Lord of the citie had placed there for his Lieutenant, they deliuered him the sayde great gourd, who tooke the same in his hands, and after he had spyed the belles, in a great rage and fury hee cast it to the ground, and willed the messengers to get them packing with speed, for he knew well ynough what people they were, and that they should will them in no case to enter into the citie, for if they did hee would put them all to death. The messengers returned and tolde Stephan how things had passed, who answered them, that it made no great matter, and would needes proceed on his voyage till he came to the citie of Ceuola: where he found men that would not let him enter into the towne, but shut him into a great house which stoode without the citie, and streightway tooke all things from him which hee caried to truck and barter with them, and certaine turqueses, and other things which he had receiued of the Indians by the way, and they kept him there all that night without giuing him meate or drinke, and the next day in the morning this Indian was a thirst, and went out of the house to drinke at a riuer that was neere at hand, and within a little while after he saw Stephan running away, and the people followed him, and slew certaine of the Indians which went in his company.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Spanish authorities sought intelligence for further northern expeditions after the four travellers returned in 1536.
Intended audience
Viceroy Mendoza and the Spanish Crown.
Purpose
Report discoveries and justify further exploration and the author’s conduct.
Point of view
Marcos says a companion told him what messengers told Estevanico. The exact printed clause is “who answered them, that it made no great matter”. Our present-tense “It makes no great matter” is an explicitly labelled adaptation, not a verbatim quotation or an independently surviving African voice. The official’s threat is also made direct from indirect speech. Marcos names Cíbola; Hawikuh is the conventional later identification. The official and Estevanico never meet in this staging. The gourd lies at its earlier refusal site, not a proven death site. Marcos did not witness the killing; accounts disagree about motives and events.
Marcos de Niza, relation of 1539, in Hakluyt, Principal Navigations (1600), ed. Edmund Goldsmid, vol. XIV (Edinburgh: E. & G. Goldsmid, 1890), pp. 79–80; Gutenberg 40803. Passage beginning “the next day met an Indian of the company of Stephan”.
English translation by George Parker Winship (1896 edition)
the people at Cibola sent word to those of this village and in its neighborhood that if any Christians should come, they ought not to consider them as anything peculiar, and ought to kill them, because they were mortal — saying that they had learned this because they kept the bones of the one who had come there;
Sourcing
Historical situation
Spanish authorities sought intelligence for further northern expeditions after the four travellers returned in 1536.
Intended audience
Viceroy Mendoza and the Spanish Crown.
Purpose
Report discoveries and justify further exploration and the author’s conduct.
Point of view
This is not a Zuni document. The reported message passes from Cíbola to neighbouring people, then Melchior Díaz, then Mendoza’s letter. Narration makes Mendoza’s act of relaying visible and does not claim a known motive for killing. Hawikuh’s exact events and the date within 1539 remain uncertain. The letter is 1540 evidence about the 1539 death, not an extension of the walk to 1540.
Mendoza to Charles V, Jacona, 17 April 1540, trans. George Parker Winship, The Coronado Expedition, 1540–1542 (1896), pp. 547–551, passage “The death of Esteban the negro…”; also The Journey of Coronado (1904), pp. 156–157. Opened Wikisource transcription and 1904 digitized printing agree on the quoted clause.
English translation by H. P. Biggar (1924 edition)
we shot off over their heads two small cannon. … made frequent signs to us to come on shore, holding up to us some furs on sticks. … They bartered all they had to such an extent that all went back naked without anything on them. … VIVE LE ROY DE FRANCE.
Sourcing
Historical situation
The official account of Cartier's first voyage, sailing from Saint-Malo on 20 April 1534, written for the French court after the ships came home.
Intended audience
Francis I and the French readers of the voyage narrative.
Purpose
To report a route, a cross planted for the king, and trade, and to make the seizure of two sons sound like a friendly agreement.
Point of view
The French voyage account, translated by Biggar. The chief is unnamed in the 1534 passage. His land-and-permission protest is Cartier’s inference from gestures (as if he wished to say), not preserved Indigenous speech. Chaleur traders, probably Mi’kmaq, are distinct from the Stadaconan fishers encountered at Gaspé. Both comparison paintings are modern reconstructions of this single account, not independent evidence.
Jacques Cartier, first-voyage relation (1534), in H. P. Biggar, ed. and trans., The Voyages of Jacques Cartier (Ottawa: Public Archives of Canada, 1924), pp. 49–53 (Chaleur), 60–67 (Gaspé).
The brothers disagree about the journey to Hochelaga
Jacques Cartier’s voyage account; H. P. Biggar, editor and translator · 1535–1536
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
On screen: IV · Of No Value
English translation, 1924
And Taignoagny told the Captain that chief Donnacona was annoyed because he [Cartier] intended to go to Hochelaga, and was most unwilling that Taignoagny should accompany him, as he had promised to do; for the river was not worth exploring.
Sourcing
Historical situation
French voyages among the St. Lawrence Iroquoians, 1535–1536; winter at Sainte-Croix near Stadacona.
Intended audience
The French crown and readers of the voyage relation.
Purpose
Report the expedition and justify the captain’s conduct.
Point of view
The excerpt and full text preserve Biggar’s reported wording. Domagaya’s performed line changes third person to first person and is explicitly labelled as reported by Cartier; it is not a verbatim transcript. Taignoagny’s resistance to guiding the French and Domagaya’s willingness are documented. Both brothers later bargain together.
H. P. Biggar, ed. and trans., The Voyages of Jacques Cartier (Ottawa: Public Archives of Canada, 1924), pp. 131–134. The excerpts retain the 1924 edition’s wording, with page breaks and footnote markers removed.
having become familiar with business practice in France, Domagaya and Taignoagny took their kinsmen to task for accepting trifling articles of no value in return for their goods.
Sourcing
Historical situation
A modern biography of Donnacona, chief of Stadacona, drawn from Cartier's voyages.
Intended audience
Readers of the Dictionary of Canadian Biography.
Purpose
To summarize what the French narrative implies about the sons' return in 1535: they had learned French prices and said the trade was unfair.
Point of view
Marcel Trudel, a historian of New France, paraphrasing the voyage. The sentence is his, not Cartier's. The lower third uses Cartier's 'Dom Agaya'; the biography uses 'Domagaya'.
Marcel Trudel, 'Donnacona', Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 1 (University of Toronto / Université Laval, 1966–).
Jacques Cartier’s voyage account; H. P. Biggar, editor and translator · 1535–1536
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
On screen: IV · Of No Value
English translation, 1924
the two rogues whom we had brought with us, were telling them and giving them to understand that what we bartered to them was of no value, and that for what they brought us, they could as easily get hatchets as knives
Sourcing
Historical situation
French voyages among the St. Lawrence Iroquoians, 1535–1536; winter at Sainte-Croix near Stadacona.
Intended audience
The French crown and readers of the voyage relation.
Purpose
Record trading relations while condemning the brothers’ intervention in the prices offered.
Point of view
An edited excerpt of Biggar’s translation, with two internal omissions identified in the citation. It is delivered as a retrospective reading of the voyage account, not a newly invented direct reply during bargaining. Both brothers are the targets of this insult.
H. P. Biggar, ed. and trans., The Voyages of Jacques Cartier (Ottawa: Public Archives of Canada, 1924), pp. 186–187. The excerpts retain the 1924 edition’s wording, with page breaks and footnote markers removed.
Domagaya and two Stadaconan women share the annedda treatment
Jacques Cartier’s voyage account; H. P. Biggar, editor and translator · 1535–1536
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
On screen: IV · Of No Value
English translation, 1924
the Captain inquired of him [Dom Agaya], what had cured him of his sickness. … Thereupon Dom Agaya sent two squaws with our Captain to gather some of it; and they brought back nine or ten branches. They showed us how to grind the bark and the leaves and to boil the whole in water. … They call it in their language Annedda.
Sourcing
Historical situation
French voyages among the St. Lawrence Iroquoians, 1535–1536; winter at Sainte-Croix near Stadacona.
Intended audience
The French crown and readers of the voyage relation.
Purpose
Describe the expedition’s illness and the Indigenous knowledge used in its recovery. Cartier concealed the scale of French sickness while seeking help.
Point of view
The excerpt preserves Biggar’s wording. The short performed question and answer adapt the reported speech. The French text says deulx femmes. The account reports twenty-five French deaths and more than fifty deaths at Stadacona. Annedda’s botanical identity is uncertain: later identifications differ, including white cedar and hemlock. We claim no certain species and don't repeat the account’s claim of a universal cure.
H. P. Biggar, ed. and trans., The Voyages of Jacques Cartier (Ottawa: Public Archives of Canada, 1924), pp. 204–215. The excerpts retain the 1924 edition’s wording, with page breaks and footnote markers removed.
Jacques Cartier’s voyage account; H. P. Biggar, editor and translator · 1535–1536
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
On screen: IV · Of No Value
English translation, 1924
that had all the doctors of Louvain and Montpellier been there, with all the drugs of Alexandria, they could not have done so much in a year as did this tree in eight days; for it benefited us so much that all who were willing to use it, recovered health and strength, thanks be to God.
Sourcing
Historical situation
French voyages among the St. Lawrence Iroquoians, 1535–1536; winter at Sainte-Croix near Stadacona.
Intended audience
The French crown and readers of the voyage relation.
Purpose
Praise the treatment on which the expedition depended, while presenting the recovery as providential.
Point of view
We quote only the recovery clause, retaining Biggar’s comma. It is Cartier’s report, not a modern medical claim; the broader narrative’s claims that the tree cured every illness are not endorsed.
H. P. Biggar, ed. and trans., The Voyages of Jacques Cartier (Ottawa: Public Archives of Canada, 1924), pp. 214–215. The excerpts retain the 1924 edition’s wording, with page breaks and footnote markers removed. The doctors comparison is on p. 215 (continuing p. 214) and says “eight days”; the French textual variants note “six.”
Seizure of Donnacona and the brothers; the surviving girl
Cartier voyage narratives; 1541 account in Richard Hakluyt’s English (1600), reprinted by H. P. Biggar (1924) · 1536 and the 1541 voyage preface
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
On screen: IV · Of No Value
English translation (1924 edition)
And after the sayd Agona had inquired of the Captaine where Donacona and the rest were, the Captaine answered him, That Donacona was dead in France, and that his body rested in the earth, and that the rest stayed there as great Lords, and were maried, and would not returne backe into their Countrey:
Sourcing
Historical situation
Donnacona and his sons were seized during the 1536 departure; the 1541 expedition’s preface reports the captives’ deaths with an explicit exception.
Intended audience
The French crown and readers of the voyage relation.
Purpose
Report the outcome of the captives’ removal before a further French expedition.
Point of view
The chapter narrates the seizure of Donnacona and both sons on 3 May 1536 and their departure on 6 May. It does not say all ten people were seized together: children were already in French custody. The quoted third-voyage preface explicitly excepts one girl from the reported deaths; her subsequent fate is untraced. Marcel Trudel, Dictionary of Canadian Biography, Donnacona (1966), corroborates the exception: https://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/donnacona_1F.html .
H. P. Biggar, ed. and trans., The Voyages of Jacques Cartier (Ottawa: Public Archives of Canada, 1924), pp. 227–231, 249. The excerpts retain the 1924 edition’s wording, with page breaks and footnote markers removed. The 1541 “great Lords” answer to Agona is Hakluyt’s English reprinted in Biggar (1924), p. 252, independently present in Gutenberg 25645.
English translation by Henry Stevens (1893 edition)
We ordain and command that from henceforward for no cause of war nor any other whatsoever, though it be under title of rebellion, nor by ransom nor in other manner can an Indian be made a slave
Sourcing
Historical situation
Issued at Barcelona on 20 November 1542, after years of Dominican pressure and after the Crown had decided to curb the encomenderos.
Intended audience
Viceroys, audiencias and colonists in the Indies.
Purpose
To ban any new enslavement of Native people, and to end the inheritance of encomiendas. The inheritance rule was the one colonists broke the viceroy over.
Point of view
The Crown, writing in Spain. The ban served Native people and also served a king who did not want powerful encomenderos. Native people did not write the law.
The New Laws, Barcelona, 20 November 1542, trans. Henry Stevens (London, 1893), as reproduced from Fordham University by Saylor.org. Both highlights are inside this sentence. The inheritance clause was revoked at Mechelen on 20 October 1545, before Blasco Núñez Vela was killed near Quito in January 1546. The slavery ban stayed in the statute.
Although some of them show a certain ingenuity for various works of artisanship, this is no proof of human cleverness, for we can observe animals, birds, and spiders making certain structures which no human accomplishment can competently imitate.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Written in Spain, as a Latin dialogue, before the 1550 hearings. Sepúlveda had not been to the Indies. The king had blocked printing the book.
Intended audience
Courtiers and theologians who would judge whether the wars were just. At Valladolid, a panel of judges.
Purpose
To argue that Spanish rule over Native peoples followed from Aristotle's idea of natural slavery, and from Spanish superiority as he described it.
Point of view
A court scholar arguing from books and other men's reports. The people he calls inferior are not in the room.
Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda, Democrates secundus. The masters sentence is the English of a course handout, 'On the Reasons for the Just War among the Indians (1547)': 'Those who surpass the rest in prudence and intelligence, although not in physical strength, are by nature the masters.' The children-to-adults sentence and the spiders sentence are John-Charles Duffy's edition of the Columbia University Press translation (Introduction to Contemporary Civilization in the West, 3rd ed., 1960, 1:523–529), read in the Miami University PDF. That PDF does not print the masters sentence. The handout rewords the children sentence ('wisdom, intelligence… infants to adults'). We use each printing for the sentence it actually has.
Democrates secundus: defense of innocents and compulsory hearing
Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda; Spanish translation by Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo · c. 1544–1547
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
On screen: V · The Fifteenth Judge
English translation by Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo, 1892
Defender, pues, de tan grandes injurias á tantos hombres inocentes, ¿qué hombre piadoso ha de negar que es obligación de un príncipe excelente y religioso? … creo que los bárbaros pueden ser conquistados con el mismo derecho con que pueden ser compelidos á oir el Evangelio.
Sourcing
Historical situation
A written Latin dialogue whose arguments Sepúlveda summarized for the Valladolid junta; this is the 1892 Spanish translation, not a verbatim transcript of the hearing.
Intended audience
Royal advisers and learned theologians assessing the grounds for Spanish rule.
Purpose
To justify subjection by force as protection of innocents and as preparation for evangelization.
Point of view
A royal scholar who had not visited the Indies. His fictional Democrates states his case; the same work defends a hierarchy of natural rulers and subjects. It distinguishes compelled hearing from forced baptism.
Menéndez y Pelayo, ed./trans., Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia XXI (1892), Spanish pp. 331 and 337, opposite Latin pp. 330 and 336. English overlays are our translations, identified as translations. The second excerpt starts at “creo”; no claim that the precise words were uttered at the junta.
Bartolomé de las Casas; English translation by Stafford Poole · 1550–1551
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
On screen: V · The Fifteenth Judge
English translation by Stafford Poole, 1974
we should not move against an immense multitude of persons, including the innocent
Sourcing
Historical situation
Las Casas’s written defense against conquest to prevent human sacrifice; he argues that the war could kill far more innocent people.
Intended audience
The Valladolid theologians and royal jurists.
Purpose
To show that war undertaken to prevent harm may inflict far greater harm and turn its supposed beneficiaries against Christianity.
Point of view
A Dominican advocate for Native peoples, reasoning within Christian theology. He defends voluntary reception of faith, not religious pluralism in the modern sense.
Las Casas, In Defense of the Indians, translated by Stafford Poole (Northern Illinois University Press, 1974), chapter 28 bis, p. 190. The selected words are reproduced in the primary-text selection in Susana Nuccetelli and Ofelia Schutte, eds., Other Voices: Readings in Spanish Philosophy (2007), pp. 212–213. Page 190 in Poole is independently identified by Cary J. Nederman, Oxford Studies in Medieval Philosophy 4 (2016), p. 14, note 42. We cut the sentence with ellipses; our preceding narration summarizes the argument.
Written defense; English quotation reproduced in scholarship
Apología: preaching and armed force
Bartolomé de las Casas; English wording as quoted by Janet Burke and Ted Humphrey · Apología, 1550–1551
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
On screen: V · The Fifteenth Judge
English translation by Janet Burke and Ted Humphrey (2023 edition)
What does the Gospel have to do with guns?
Sourcing
Historical situation
Las Casas challenges the use of armed force to spread Christianity in his written defense against Sepúlveda.
Intended audience
Theologians and jurists considering conquest and preaching.
Purpose
To distinguish religious persuasion from armed coercion.
Point of view
A Dominican argument for voluntary acceptance of Christianity. We perform written words; we don't present a transcript of the historical hearings.
Las Casas, Apología, question reproduced in English by Janet Burke and Ted Humphrey, “The New Black Legend of Bartolomé de Las Casas,” Church Life Journal, University of Notre Dame, 13 October 2023, paragraph beginning “One of Las Casas’s main tenets.” Their parenthetical page 117 is retained as their reference, not asserted here to be page 117 of Stafford Poole’s translation. We don't attribute this wording to Poole or Peter Casarella.
The Indians are our brothers, and Christ has given his life for them. Why, then, do we persecute them with such inhuman savagery when they do not deserve such treatment?
Sourcing
Historical situation
The closing of the defense Las Casas read over five days during the Valladolid hearings.
Intended audience
Theologians and royal councillors.
Purpose
To make shared Christian obligations weigh against conquest and persecution.
Point of view
An advocate with decades of experience in the Indies. This is his Apología, not the later Apologética historia statement about all peoples being men.
Las Casas, Apología, translated by Stafford Poole, In Defense of the Indians (Northern Illinois University Press, 1974; reprinted 1992), closing appeal. The exact English is corroborated in Tom G. Palmer, “Madison and Multiculturalism,” in James Madison and the Future of Limited Government, ed. John Samples (Cato Institute, 2002), p. 113, note 62, which identifies the 1992 edition, p. 362.
Aquí se contiene una disputa: the record and its limits
Domingo de Soto; Bartolomé de las Casas, publisher; contextual analysis by Lewis Hanke · Hearings 1550–1551
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
On screen: V · The Fifteenth Judge
tan copioso y tan difuso
Sourcing
Historical situation
Soto summarizes the separate presentations for an advisory junta. Another session follows in April–May 1551.
Intended audience
The councillors and the readers of Las Casas’s 1552 printed controversy.
Purpose
To present the opposing arguments. Later historians use the surviving records to reconstruct the process and its unresolved outcome.
Point of view
The printed volume was published by one advocate. Separate surviving opinions, including Anaya’s, must not be mistaken for a collective judgment; an imagined viewer seal is not a historical vote.
Domingo de Soto, Sumario, closing, signature c ii, in Las Casas, Aquí se contiene una disputa (Seville, 1552). The excerpt is the Spanish closing fragment. For the hearings and aftermath, see Lewis Hanke, The Spanish Struggle for Justice in the Conquest of America (1949), pp. 128–130, and All Mankind Is One (1974). Anaya’s surviving opinion supported broader grounds for conquest than our limited-protection teaching option. The royal cédula of April 1550 separately names Peru and Lima’s jurisdiction.
Lienzo de Tlaxcala: the Tlaxcalans and the viceroy in the Mixtón War
Tlaxcalan painters · about 1550
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
On screen: V · The Fifteenth Judge
Editorial summary, not a quotation. The Lienzo de Tlaxcala, painted from the side of the Tlaxcalans, Spain's Native allies, shows Viceroy Antonio de Mendoza and Tlaxcalan warriors fighting the Caxcanes in the Mixtón War (panel 58, "Xochipillan"). The viceroy's army of 1541–42 was a few hundred Spaniards and tens of thousands of Native allies from central Mexico.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Painted in Tlaxcala around 1550, when Tlaxcalan leaders asked the Crown to reward their service as allies in the conquests.
Intended audience
Spanish officials and the Crown.
Purpose
To record, and claim credit for, Tlaxcala's part in Spain's wars, from the fall of Tenochtitlan to the Mixtón War.
Point of view
Native allies of Spain, proud of their victories over other Native peoples; it is not a Caxcan account.
Lienzo de Tlaxcala (c. 1550), named as an optional source for KC-1.2.III.B in the AP U.S. History Course and Exam Description (Topic 1.6). Army size after Ida Altman, The War for Mexico's West: Indians and Spaniards in New Galicia, 1524–1550 (University of New Mexico Press, 2010). Summary by us.
Este huir, y esta natural defensa, muy poderosos señores, llaman y han llamado siempre los españoles, usando mal de la propiedad de los vocablos, en todas las Indias contra, el rey levantarse…
Sourcing
Historical situation
A Caxcan leader of the Mixtón War, deported to Spain in 1552, asks the Council of the Indies in Valladolid to remedy violence, dispossession and exile.
Intended audience
The Council of the Indies and the Crown.
Purpose
To recover freedom and authority and challenge the treatment of flight and self-defense as rebellion.
Point of view
A petition in Tenamaztle’s name prepared with Las Casas: an Indigenous legal claim mediated through Spanish legal language, not a stenographic record of oral testimony.
Spanish displayed by Alfonso Hernández Barrón, “Tenamaxtli y la lucha por los derechos,” Universidad de Guadalajara, slide 15 (PDF p. 15). The transcript has the anomalous punctuation “en todas las Indias contra, el rey”. Receipt date and Las Casas’s collaboration: Rubén A. Sánchez-Godoy, “Francisco Tenamaztle, Bartolomé de las Casas and the Role of Translation …,” The Transatlantic Las Casas (Brill, 2022), pp. 88–89, AGI México 205, https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004515918_006 . Study explicitly says June 1; July 1 is a conflicting popular dating. Subsequent inquiry documents run from July 1555. We give 1555 on screen and identify receipt precisely in the timeline/source. The Spanish overlay retains the original words and normalizes the misplaced comma to “en todas las Indias, contra el rey”; the source excerpt above preserves the displayed transcription. The English caption now marks the omission of en todas las Indias with an ellipsis; audio remains the same translated excerpt.
The Spanish Struggle for Justice in the Conquest of America
Lewis Hanke · 1949
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
On screen: V · The Fifteenth Judge
Are these not men? Have they not rational souls? Are you not bound to love them as you love yourselves?
Sourcing
Historical situation
A 1949 history of the Spanish argument over the justice of the conquest, written for the American Historical Association.
Intended audience
Historians and general readers in the United States.
Purpose
To show that Spaniards argued, in public and for decades, about whether the conquest was just.
Point of view
Lewis Hanke, a historian who admired that argument and who takes Las Casas's side of it more often than Sepúlveda's. His English of the sermon is one translation among several.
Lewis Hanke, The Spanish Struggle for Justice in the Conquest of America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1949). The three questions were read in the Internet Archive text of that book. He dates the sermon to the Sunday before Christmas, 1511.
Ordenanzas de descubrimiento, nueva población y pacificación de las Indias
Philip II · July 13, 1573, Bosque de Segovia
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
On screen: V · The Fifteenth Judge
Ordenanzas de descubrimiento, nueva población y pacificación de las Indias. Los descubrimientos no se den con título y nombre de conquistas pues habiéndose de hacer con tanta paz y caridad como deseamos no queremos que el nombre dé ocasión ni color para que se pueda hacer fuerza ni agravio a los Indios.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Issued on 13 July 1573, after the Valladolid junta had produced no collective verdict and after conquests had continued under the old name.
Intended audience
Viceroys, audiencias and the men who would be licensed to explore and settle.
Purpose
To keep discovery and settlement under royal license, and to stop calling that work conquest, so the word itself would not excuse force.
Point of view
The Crown prescribing the language and conduct of licensed expansion. The title includes pacificación; Ordinance 29 forbids naming discoveries conquistas. Neither is evidence that armed expansion stopped.
Philip II, Ordenanzas de descubrimiento, nueva población y pacificación de las Indias, Bosque de Segovia, 13 July 1573, ordinance 29, as transcribed from the Archivo General de Indias and printed by the Ministerio de la Vivienda (1973). The title and ordinance 29 were read on Historia del Nuevo Mundo's transcription of that text. 'conquistas' is in ordinance 29. 'pacificación' is in the title.
The expeditions and the Mixtón War: chronology behind the comparison
Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca; expedition narrators; National Park Service; Tenamaztle · 1527–1542
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
On screen: V · The Fifteenth Judge
The arrival of the entrada into "Tierra Nueva" in 1540, led by commander and captain general Francisco Vázquez de Coronado
Sourcing
Historical situation
Separate expeditions leave Spain or New Spain under royal commissions during decades of argument over conquest.
Intended audience
Modern learners comparing policy language with dated events.
Purpose
To anchor a sequence without making chronology prove causation.
Point of view
The quoted excerpt is the National Park Service’s modern description of Coronado; the timeline’s other statements are editorial summaries from the named primary and institutional sources.
Coronado excerpt: National Park Service, Coronado National Memorial, History & Culture, https://www.nps.gov/coro/learn/historyculture/index.htm . Coronado’s 1540 campaign also appears in his 3 August 1540 letter, Winship, The Journey of Coronado (1904), https://archive.org/details/journeyofcoronad00wins . Narváez’s 1527 departure/1528 Florida landfall: Cabeza de Vaca, Relación, opening chapters, and Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/gdc/gdclccn/11/00/70/11/11007011/11007011.pdf . Soto’s 1539 Florida landing: NPS De Soto National Memorial, https://www.nps.gov/deso/learn/historyculture/index.htm . Mixtón 1540–1542 and Tenamaztle: UdeG tenamaxtli.pdf and Sánchez-Godoy (2022), both specified in p104-tenamaztle-petition-1555. No exact battle casualty totals asserted.
The Spanish Colonie: testimony republished against Spain
Bartolomé de las Casas; Jacques de Miggrode, French intermediary; M.M.S., English translator · 1552 Spanish
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
On screen: VI · Christ Our Victory
English translation
The Spanish colonie, or Briefe chronicle of the acts and gestes of the Spaniardes in the West Indies, called the newe world, for the space of xl. yeeres
Sourcing
Historical situation
Las Casas’s Brevísima was translated for readers resisting Spanish rule in the Low Countries; its French intermediary then reached London in English.
Intended audience
French-speaking readers in the Low Countries and English readers suspicious of Spanish power.
Purpose
Las Casas denounced colonial atrocities; translators and publishers repurposed his testimony against Spain.
Point of view
A Spanish critic’s testimony selected and reframed by Spain’s rivals. “Black Legend” describes the polemical use; it does not invalidate the violence being described.
Las Casas, The Spanish Colonie (London: Thomas Dawson for William Brome, 1583), title and prefatory matter, STC 4739, EEBO A18098.0001.001. The English version came through Jacques de Miggrode’s French Tyrannies et cruautés des Espagnols (Antwerp, 1579). The excerpt reproduces the English title; our account of its political use is an interpretation, not a printer’s recorded speech.
18. The Spaniardes governe in the Indies with all pride and tyranie; and like as when people of contrarie nature at the sea enter into gallies, where men are tied as slaves, all yell and crye with one voice, _Liberta, liberta_, as desirous of libertie and freedome, so no doubte whensoever the Queene of England, a prince of such clemencie, shall seate upon that firme of America, and shalbe reported throughe oute all that tracte to use the naturall people there with all humanitie, curtesie, and freedome, they will yelde themselves to her governemente, and revolte cleane from the Spaniarde, and specially when they shall understande that she hath a noble navie, and that she aboundeth with a people moste valiaunte for theyr defence.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Written for Ralegh’s colonial project in 1584, before Amadas and Barlowe returned.
Intended audience
Elizabeth I and the court, in manuscript; not a 1584 printed public book.
Purpose
To win support for settlement, Protestant expansion, commerce and challenges to Spanish power.
Point of view
An advocate predicting that Spanish subjects would support another empire. The source combines the chapter XI heading with chapter XX, reason18; “gentler empire” is our summary, supported by chapter XX, reason 18.
Richard Hakluyt, A Discourse on Western Planting (1584), ch. XI heading; text as reprinted in Principal Navigations, ed. Edmund Goldsmid, vol. XIII, Project Gutenberg 25645. The source retains Goldsmid’s original spelling; speech modernizes it. The window performance is a reconstruction of the written argument, not evidence of a speech at that window. The chapter XI excerpt modernizes spelling; the chapter XX performance also condenses the syntax. The performed promise uses the contiguous clause of chapter XX, reason 18, from “use the naturall people there” through “revolte cleane from the Spaniarde,” with a semicolon after freedom. The chapter XI speech cuts the opening “That”; the original excerpt and full retain their spelling. The performed chapter XX promise is condensed and recast as an imperative, not merely spelling modernization.
National Park Service, Fort Raleigh National Historic Site
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
On screen: VI · Christ Our Victory
Editorial summary, not a quotation. Manteo, of Croatoan, and Wanchese, of Roanoke, crossed to England with the 1584 voyage and were lodged in London, where Thomas Harriot worked with them on the language. What the two men thought of London was not written down.
Sourcing
Historical situation
A modern park account of the Roanoke voyages, written for visitors to the site of the English forts.
Intended audience
Visitors and students.
Purpose
To identify the Native men who went to England in 1584 and came back.
Point of view
A United States agency telling an English colonial story on Algonquian land. The English records name the two men. Their own account of the year in London does not survive.
National Park Service, Fort Raleigh National Historic Site, pages on Manteo, Wanchese and the 1584 voyage. Summary by us. We don't quote the park.
Lupold von Wedel; English translation Gottfried von Bülow · October 18, 1584
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
On screen: VI · Christ Our Victory
English translation by Gottfried von Bülow, 1895
The captain, named Ral (Sir Walter Raleigh), had brought with him two men of the island whom we asked permission to see. … Here they are clad in brown taffeta.
Sourcing
Historical situation
A German visitor describes two men brought to England following the 1584 voyage.
Intended audience
His travel record, published later for historical readers.
Purpose
To record the people and sights shown to him in England.
Point of view
A European looking at men whose language he did not understand. He does not name the two, establish their thoughts, or document the exact gallery staged here.
Lupold von Wedel, Journey through England and Scotland, translated by Gottfried von Bülow, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, new series 9 (1895), p. 251. The identification of the two visitors follows the voyage context. The gallery, returned gazes, and precise arrangement are reconstruction; the visitor’s account does not establish their thoughts.
Anonymous journal of Richard Grenville’s voyage · July 16, 1585
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
On screen: VI · Christ Our Victory
one of our boates with the Admirall was sent to Aquascogok, to demaund a siluer cup which one of the Sauages had stollen from vs, and not receiuing it according to his promise, wee burnt, and spoyled their corne, and Towne, all the people being fled.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Grenville’s expedition was exploring the Carolina sounds after returning with Manteo and Wanchese.
Intended audience
English patrons and later Hakluyt’s readers.
Purpose
To record the expedition’s itinerary and conduct.
Point of view
An English participant alleges a theft and reports punitive burning. We call the cup missing and don't identify a thief; we don't place either Native visitor at the burning as a witnessed fact.
Journal of the second voyage to Virginia, 16 July 1585, Hakluyt 1600, III:253; Goldsmid vol. XIII / Gutenberg 25645. The burning follows the unmet demand. Nobody is recorded dying in this particular passage.
Account of the Englishmen left in Virginia, 17 August 1585 to 18 June 1586
Ralph Lane · 1586
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
On screen: VI · Christ Our Victory
For at that time wee had no weares for fish, neither coulde our men skill of the making of them, neither had wee one graine of Corne for seede to put into the ground.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Lane's report of the 1585–86 colony, written after Drake took the colonists off Roanoke in June 1586, and sent to Raleigh.
Intended audience
Walter Raleigh, and then Hakluyt's readers.
Purpose
To explain how close the colony came to starving, and to justify Lane's attack on Wingina (Pemisapan) on 1 June 1586.
Point of view
The colony's governor, writing his own defense. The food shortage is his admission.
Ralph Lane, account of the 1585–86 colony, in Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations (1598–1600). Our clause matches those words.
Wanchese in the company of Wingina’s surviving men
John White, reporting Croatoan informants · 1587
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
On screen: VI · Christ Our Victory
We also vnderstood of the men of Croatoan, that our man Master Howe was slaine by the remnant of Winginos men dwelling then at Dasamonguepeuk, with whom Wanchese kept companie:
Sourcing
Historical situation
The 1587 expedition sent Stafford and Manteo to Croatoan, then raided Dasamonquepeuc on 9 August and christened Manteo on 13 August.
Intended audience
English patrons and Hakluyt’s readers.
Purpose
To recount the expedition, its diplomacy, retaliatory raid and honors, from the governor’s side.
Point of view
White’s expedition narrative includes reports from Stafford’s party and Croatoan informants. Its distinction between friends and enemies and its excuses are the English account, not an independent Native record. The information about Wanchese comes from Croatoan informants as the expedition narrates it. It identifies his company, not his words, a personal killing, or his eventual fate. No speech by Wanchese survives.
White, fourth voyage, following the 30 July parley, Goldsmid vol. XIII / Gutenberg 25645. The source retains the full location clause. We don't use Lane’s disputed “great enemies” wording. The reed departure and final distant group are explicit visual reconstructions of the contrast in recorded alignments, not witnessed meetings or proof of Wanchese’s intentions.
Twise this Wiroans was so grieuously sicke that he was like to die, and as he lay languishing, doubting of any helpe by his owne priestes, and thinking hee was in such danger for offending vs and thereby our God, sent for some of vs to pray and bee a meanes to our God that it would please him either that he might liue, or after death dwell with him in blisse, so likewise were the requests of many others in the like case.
There was no towne where wee had any subtle deuise practised against vs, wee leauing it vnpunished or not reuenged (because we sought by all meanes possible to win them by gentlenesse) but that within a few dayes after our departure from euery such Towne, the people began to die very fast, and many in short space, in some Townes about twentie, in some fourtie, and in one sixe score, which in trueth was very many in respect of their numbers.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Harriot visited Carolina Algonquian communities with the 1585–86 colony, then published a defense of colonization in 1588.
Intended audience
Prospective backers, settlers and supporters of Ralegh’s venture.
Purpose
To describe the country and its inhabitants and answer hostile reports about the settlement.
Point of view
An English observer, language learner and colonial promoter interpreting others’ explanations of illness. Different views are attributed to some people, never established as a single Native belief. The disease is not identified here.
Harriot, A briefe and true report (1588), final section, reprinted in Hakluyt 1600, then Goldsmid vol. XIII / Gutenberg 25645. Exact selected edition reads “tell” and “thinke”; the DocSouth 1590 edition’s “tel” and “think” are not silently mixed into this quote. No assertion of general Native worship or proof that no English person died. The original paragraph is retained here.
Some would likewise seeme to prophecie that there were more of our generation yet to come to kill theirs and take their places, as some thought the purpose was, by that which was already done. Those that were immediatly to come after vs they imagined to be in the aire, yet inuisible and without bodies, and that by our intreatie and for the loue of vs, did make the people to die in that sort as they did, by shooting inuisible bullets into them.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Harriot visited Carolina Algonquian communities with the 1585–86 colony, then published a defense of colonization in 1588.
Intended audience
Prospective backers, settlers and supporters of Ralegh’s venture.
Purpose
To describe the country and its inhabitants and answer hostile reports about the settlement.
Point of view
An English observer, language learner and colonial promoter interpreting others’ explanations of illness. Different views are attributed to some people, never established as a single Native belief. The disease is not identified here. Two first-person English adaptations are given to one composite speaker. “Our generation / theirs” becomes “your people / ours”; invisible successors, bullets, killing and replacement all come from the report. No Native-language sentences or private thoughts are invented.
Harriot, final section of A briefe and true report, Goldsmid vol. XIII / Gutenberg 25645. The source excerpt remains verbatim English reporting; performed lines are marked “as reported by Harriot” and are not assigned quote fields. The first line compresses the invisible successors’ supposed agency; the second adapts the reported prediction. Multiple opinions remain multiple, not a single tribal creed.
But that of staruing vs, by their forbearing to sow, was broken by Ensenore in his life, by hauing made the King all at one instant to sow his ground, not onely in the Iland, but also at Dasamonquepeio in the maine, within two leagues ouer against vs.
Sourcing
Historical situation
The 1585–86 English settlement depended on Native food. Lane wrote after its evacuation, describing encounters, hostile plans and his killing of Pemisapan.
Intended audience
Ralegh and later readers of Hakluyt’s collection.
Purpose
To explain the colony’s failure and justify Lane’s decisions and violence.
Point of view
The armed colonial governor defending his own conduct. Reported Native intentions and speech survive through his English, including Manteo’s interpretation. The religious challenge is reported group speech. Its pronouns change from English “our / us” to the Native speaker’s “your / you.” Rumors of English deaths informed this challenge; we don't certify those rumors.
Lane, account of the first colony, second part, Goldsmid vol. XIII / Gutenberg 25645. Extracts preserve the words of the report; performed Native sentence is an adaptation. Harriot’s account of Wingina seeking prayers is separately retained in p104-harriot-illness-1588-goldsmid.full. We compress changes over 1585–86; we don't claim a single council produced both statements.
Christ our victory: Lane’s signal and Wingina’s killing
Ralph Lane · June 1, 1586
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
On screen: VI · Christ Our Victory
I gaue the watch-word agreed vpon, (which was, Christ our victory) and immediatly those his chiefe men and himselfe had by the mercy of God for our deliuerance, that which they had purposed for vs. The king himselfe being shot thorow by the Colonell with a pistoll, lying on the ground for dead, and I looking as watchfully for the sauing of Manteos friends, as others were busie that none of the rest should escape, suddenly he started vp, and ran away as though he had not bene touched, insomuch as he ouerran all the company, being by the way shot thwart the buttocks by mine Irish boy with my petronell. (M299) In the end an Irish man seruing me, one Nugent, and the deputy prouost, vndertooke him; and following him in the woods, ouertooke him; and I in some doubt least we had lost both the king and my man by our owne negligence to haue beene intercepted by the Sauages, wee met him returning out of the woods with Pemisapans head in his hand. This fell out the first of Iune 1586
Sourcing
Historical situation
The 1585–86 English settlement depended on Native food. Lane wrote after its evacuation, describing encounters, hostile plans and his killing of Pemisapan.
Intended audience
Ralegh and later readers of Hakluyt’s collection.
Purpose
To explain the colony’s failure and justify Lane’s decisions and violence.
Point of view
The armed colonial governor defending his own conduct. Reported Native intentions and speech survive through his English, including Manteo’s interpretation.
Lane, second part of his Virginia account, concluding attack, Goldsmid vol. XIII / Gutenberg 25645; Hakluyt 1600, III:263. Shooting, escape and eventual beheading are compressed into narration, all off-screen. This reprint explicitly states “the first of Iune 1586”; it is not necessary to infer the date in this selected edition. The full account distinguishes different attackers; the narration says only “Lane’s men.”
desiring vs not to gather or spill any of their corne, for that they had but little. We answered them, that neither their corne, nor any other thing of theirs, should be diminished by any of vs, and that our comming was onely to renew the old loue, that was betweene vs and them at the first, and to liue with them as brethren and friends: which answer seemed to please them well, wherefore they requested vs to walke vp to their Towne, who there feasted vs after their maner; and desired vs earnestly, that there might bee some token or badge giuen them of vs, whereby we might know them to be our friends, when we met them any where out of the Towne or Island. They told vs further, that for want of some such badge, diuers of them were hurt the yeere before, being found out of the Island by Master Lane his company, whereof they shewed vs one, which at that very instant lay lame, and had lien of that hurt euer since: but they sayd, they knew our men mistooke them, and hurt them instead of Winginos men, wherefore they held vs excused.
Sourcing
Historical situation
The 1587 expedition sent Stafford and Manteo to Croatoan, then raided Dasamonquepeuc on 9 August and christened Manteo on 13 August.
Intended audience
English patrons and Hakluyt’s readers.
Purpose
To recount the expedition, its diplomacy, retaliatory raid and honors, from the governor’s side.
Point of view
White’s expedition narrative includes reports from Stafford’s party and Croatoan informants. Its distinction between friends and enemies and its excuses are the English account, not an independent Native record. White is the account’s author, not placed in Stafford’s landing party. The unnamed elder condenses the reported collective voice; the unnamed English visitor condenses the party’s recorded reply. No specific words are invented for Stafford.
White, fourth voyage narrative, 30 July 1587, Hakluyt 1600, III:282–283; Goldsmid vol. XIII / Gutenberg 25645. Pronouns are shifted into direct address. Corn scarcity, the assurance that nothing would be diminished, earlier English injuries, and the badge request are all in the report. The source does not establish a badge was granted. The injured man seen in the shot represents the man they showed the English.
The eight of August, the Gouernour hauing long expected the comming of the Wiroanses of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc, Secota, and Dasamonguepeuk, seeing that the seuen dayes were past, within which they promised to come in, or to send their answeres by the men of Croatoan, and no tidings of them heard, being certainly also informed by those men of Croatoan, that the remnant of Wingina his men, which were left aliue, who dwelt at Dasamonquepeuk, were they which had slaine George Howe, and were also at the driving of our eleuen Englishmen from Roanoak, hee thought to deferre the reuenge thereof no longer. Wherefore the same night about midnight, he passed ouer the water, accompanied with Captaine Stafford, and 24 men, wherof Manteo was one, whom we tooke with vs to be our guide to the place where those Sauages dwelt, where he behaued himselfe toward vs as a most faithfull Englishman.
Sourcing
Historical situation
The 1587 expedition sent Stafford and Manteo to Croatoan, then raided Dasamonquepeuc on 9 August and christened Manteo on 13 August.
Intended audience
English patrons and Hakluyt’s readers.
Purpose
To recount the expedition, its diplomacy, retaliatory raid and honors, from the governor’s side.
Point of view
White’s expedition narrative includes reports from Stafford’s party and Croatoan informants. Its distinction between friends and enemies and its excuses are the English account, not an independent Native record.
White, fourth voyage narrative, 8–9 August, Hakluyt 1600, III:283–284; Goldsmid vol. XIII / Gutenberg 25645. “deceiued” and “Sauages” follow this edition exactly. The Virtual Jamestown transcription independently gives 9 August and the same recognition with modernized u/v. One person is reported shot through the body; this passage does not explicitly state that person died. No raid victim dies on screen.
The 13 of August our Sauage Manteo, by the commandement of Sir Walter Ralegh, was christened in Roanoak, and called Lord thereof, and of Dasamonguepeuk, in reward of his faithfull seruices.
Sourcing
Historical situation
The 1587 expedition sent Stafford and Manteo to Croatoan, then raided Dasamonquepeuc on 9 August and christened Manteo on 13 August.
Intended audience
English patrons and Hakluyt’s readers.
Purpose
To recount the expedition, its diplomacy, retaliatory raid and honors, from the governor’s side.
Point of view
White’s expedition narrative includes reports from Stafford’s party and Croatoan informants. Its distinction between friends and enemies and its excuses are the English account, not an independent Native record.
White, fourth voyage narrative, 13 August 1587, Goldsmid vol. XIII / Gutenberg 25645. This edition reads “seruices” (plural); the actor’s exact six-word extract follows it. Other editions print “service.” “Thereof” is Roanoke; the other place is Dasamonguepeuk, modernized in overlays as Dasamonquepeuc. Ralegh’s command authorizes an English title, not an Algonquian office. The explicitly dated raid on 9 August precedes it by four days, not five.
according to a secret token agreed vpon betweene them and me at my last departure from them, which was, that in any wayes they should not faile to write or carue on the trees or posts of the dores the name of the place where they should be seated; for at my comming alway they were prepared to remoue from Roanoak 50 miles into the maine. Therefore at my departure from them in An. 1587 I willed them, that if they should happen to be distressed in any of those places, that then they should carue ouer the letters or name, a Crosse + in this forme, but we found no such signe of distresse.
a certaine token of their safe being at Croatoan, which is the place where Manteo was borne, and the Sauages of the Iland our friends.
Sourcing
Historical situation
White searched the abandoned settlement on 18 August 1590, after returning to the coast three years after leaving his daughter and granddaughter.
Intended audience
Hakluyt’s readers and English patrons of colonization.
Purpose
To recount his efforts to find the colonists and explain how he interpreted the signs he found.
Point of view
White was an eyewitness to carvings and damaged objects, not to the colonists’ departure or subsequent lives. His confidence in their safe arrival and his accusation against enemies at Dasamongwepeuk are inferences.
John White, “The fift voyage … in the yeere 1590,” Richard Hakluyt, Principal Navigations (London, 1600), III:292–293; National Humanities Center extract, pp. 3–4. Every c06 quotation uses this modern-spelling extract, including “armor,” “tunes of songs,” and “we had no answer.” Its source footnote misdates the Hakluyt printing to 1590; the volume is 1600. The extract’s explanatory gloss of flankers is not used. Original-page transcription corroboration: https://encyclopediavirginia.org/primary-documents/john-white-returns-to-roanoke-an-excerpt-from-the-fift-voyage-of-master-john-white-into-the-west-indies-and-parts-of-america-called-virginia-in-the-yeere-1590-1600/ . The approach occurs on the night of 17–18 August; dawn landing and settlement search are 18 August. Storm and failed attempted onward voyage follow. Original spelling of the signal and completed friends sentence is appended from Goldsmid vol. XIII, pp. 383–384 (Gutenberg 25645); compare Hakluyt (1600), III:292–293 and NHC extract pp. 3–4. The NHC p. 4 sentence confirms “and the savages of the island our friends.” The completed friends sentence modernizes spelling only. The narrator’s lifelong separation is historical synthesis, not a quotation from the 1590 account or evidence that his family died.
In the month of December we received warning that the pestilence had broken out among the people of Stadacona to such an extent that already, by their own confession, more than fifty persons were dead. … [Among the French, February 1536:] And not only were eight men dead already but there were more than fifty whose case seemed hopeless. … in the middle of February [1536], of the 110 men forming our company, there were not ten in good health. … DIED AS MANY AS TWENTY-FIVE OF OUR MEN.
Sourcing
Historical situation
The second voyage's account of the winter at Stadacona, when scurvy killed Frenchmen and Stadaconan people, and Dom Agaya showed a cure.
Intended audience
The French court.
Purpose
To record the sickness, the losses, and the cure, without letting Donnacona see how many Frenchmen were ill.
Point of view
The French account. Biggar writes 'squaws'; the French manuscript says 'deulx femmes'. We say 'women'.
H. P. Biggar, The Voyages of Jacques Cartier (1924), second voyage, as reprinted in Ramsay Cook, ed., The Voyages of Jacques Cartier (1993), which reads 'two women' where Biggar printed 'squaws' (Cartier's French: 'deulx femmes'). Separately, the February 1536 sickness among the French ('more than fifty' whose case seemed hopeless; chapter heading that twenty-five of the French died) and the Annedda passage.
They are not ignorant, inhuman, or bestial. Rather, long before they had heard the word Spaniard they had properly organized states, wisely ordered by excellent laws, religion, and custom.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Written for the junta at Valladolid in 1550 and read aloud over five days. Las Casas was about sixty-five if he was born in 1484, a date that is itself disputed.
Intended audience
The fourteen judges, theologians and lawyers of the royal councils, and through them Charles V.
Purpose
To answer Sepúlveda and to argue that Native peoples already had states, laws and religion, so war was not the way to preach.
Point of view
A Dominican who had been an encomendero and then spent decades in the Indies. He is arguing a case, not writing a neutral description.
Bartolomé de las Casas, Apología (1550), trans. Stafford Poole, In Defense of the Indians, as printed in the OhioLINK HIST 1151 reader and in the UCSB History 4B packet: 'Rather, long before they had heard the word Spaniard they had properly organized states, wisely ordered by excellent laws, religion, and custom.' We drop the leading 'Rather,'. An Australian Year Book reprint has 'customs' plural; our text and Poole's sentence here have 'custom'.
Parliament of England, in the first year of Elizabeth I · 1559
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
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shall diligently and faithfully, having no lawful or reasonable excuse to be absent, endeavour themselves to resort to their parish church or chapel accustomed … upon every Sunday and other days ordained and used to be kept as holy days, and then and there to abide orderly and soberly … upon pain that every person so offending shall forfeit for every such offence twelve pence
Sourcing
Historical situation
Passed in 1559, the year after Elizabeth became queen, as part of settling the Church of England after Mary I.
Intended audience
Every person living in England, and the churchwardens who were to collect the fine.
Purpose
To make Sunday and holy-day worship in the parish church a legal duty, and to fine absence.
Point of view
The Crown and Parliament. The card's 'every Sunday' leaves out the holy days the statute also names. The Queen's title Supreme Governor is the Act of Supremacy of the same year, which the card already separates.
Act of Uniformity, 1559 (1 Elizabeth I, c. 2), as printed by the Hanover Historical Texts Project. The card's 'every Sunday' and 'twelve pence' are this clause. The same page prints the holy-days phrase the card leaves out: 'and other days ordained and used to be kept as holy days.'
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
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Editorial summary, not a quotation. In Politics, Book I, Aristotle argues that some people are slaves by nature: able to take direction, and fitted to be ruled. Sepúlveda, a leading translator of Aristotle, used that idea at Valladolid. We do not voice a sentence of Aristotle's.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Written in Athens in the fourth century BCE, in a city that held enslaved people. A Latin copy lies open on the judges' table in 1550.
Intended audience
Aristotle's students and readers. At Valladolid, the audience is theologians and royal lawyers.
Purpose
To sort kinds of rule, including the rule of master over slave, as part of a theory of the household and the city.
Point of view
A Greek philosopher writing inside a slave society. He is not describing the Americas. Sepúlveda is the one who applies him there.
Aristotle, Politics, Book I. The card is our summary of the 'natural slave' idea as Sepúlveda used it.
The first voyage made to the coasts of America, 1584
Arthur Barlowe (one of the two captains; the report is unsigned in Hakluyt) · 1584
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
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when we shewed him all our packet of merchandize, of all the things that he sawe, a bright tinne dish most pleased him, which he presently tooke vp, & clapt it before his breast, and after made a hole in the brimme thereof, & hung it about his necke, making signes, that it would defende him against his enemies arrows. … Wee found the people most gentle, louing, and faithfull, voide of all guile, and treason, and such as liued after the manner of the golden age. The earth bringeth foorth all things in aboundance, as in the first creation, without toile or labour.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Written after the 1584 reconnaissance of the Outer Banks and sent to Walter Raleigh, who had paid for the voyage and needed backers for a colony.
Intended audience
Raleigh, and then the English readers of Hakluyt's Principal Navigations.
Purpose
To report the landing and the trade, and to make the country sound rich, gentle and easy to settle.
Point of view
An English captain who spent a few weeks on the coast. He prices a tin dish at twenty crowns or twenty nobles and calls the people's life a golden age. He does not describe the work of planting.
Arthur Barlowe, account of the 1584 voyage, in Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations (London, 1598–1600), as transcribed by East Carolina University, Roanoke Colonies Illuminated. The 'first creation' sentence is our text; scholarship often finds it in the 1589 edition and dropped later. The ECU page that matches our spelling carries both the dish lines and the creation sentence.
La relación, the narrative of the Narváez expedition
Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca · printed 1542
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
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English translation by Buckingham Smith, 1851
We possessed great influence and authority: to preserve both, we seldom talked with them. The negro was in constant conversation; he informed himself about the ways we wished to take, of the towns there were, and the matters we desired to know.
Sourcing
Historical situation
A report to the king by the ranking survivor of Pánfilo de Narváez's Florida expedition, after eight years (1528–1536) walking to the Spanish frontier.
Intended audience
Charles V, and Spanish readers of the 1542 book.
Purpose
To tell what happened to the expedition and what the survivors learned, and to show that Cabeza de Vaca had served the Crown.
Point of view
A Spanish officer. He calls Estevanico 'the negro' and writes the journey as his own report. Estevanico's words are not in the book. 'Negro' was the Spanish and English word for a Black African; it is quoted as the writers used it.
Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca, La relación (Zamora, 1542), trans. Buckingham Smith (1851), as reprinted in Frederick W. Hodge, ed., Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States, 1528–1543 (New York: Scribner's, 1907). The sentence was read on the Perseus text of that printing.
Ambivalent Conquests: Maya and Spaniard in Yucatan, 1517–1570
Inga Clendinnen · 1987
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
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Editorial summary, not a quotation. Inga Clendinnen's Ambivalent Conquests (1987) describes the Maya rising at Valladolid in Yucatán in November 1546. The card says the rising struck at Spanish things, not only Spanish soldiers. It does not print a sentence as hers.
Sourcing
Historical situation
A 1987 study of the Spanish conquest of Yucatán and of the 1546–47 rising in the east of the peninsula.
Intended audience
Historians and students of colonial Mexico.
Purpose
To show the conquest as unfinished and the rising as aimed at Spanish presence, not only at soldiers.
Point of view
A modern historian working from Spanish inquiries and Maya evidence. The Spanish inquiries were taken after the defeat.
Inga Clendinnen, Ambivalent Conquests: Maya and Spaniard in Yucatan, 1517–1570 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), on the eastern rising of November 1546. A phrase sometimes quoted from her was removed from the chapter. This URL is the bibliographic record.
Image. An image of the source. The accompanying description is editorial.
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Editorial summary, not a quotation. A painted Nahua history from Tlatelolco records the wars of the 1540s in western New Spain, including the fighting the Spanish called the Mixtón War. We use it as the picture-source for that war and do not read a caption off it.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Painted in Mexico City in the middle of the sixteenth century, after the fighting, in the Nahua tradition of recorded history.
Intended audience
Nahua readers of the painted year-count, and later Spanish and modern scholars.
Purpose
To keep a Native record of wars, rulers and tribute in those years.
Point of view
Painters in Tlatelolco, a Mexica city that had its own grievances against both the Spanish and other Native states. It is not a Spanish battle report.
Códice de Tlatelolco (mid-sixteenth century), Biblioteca Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico. Summary by us. We don't claim a particular cell shows the peñol.
Journal of the first voyage, Sunday 14 October 1492
Christopher Columbus, in the abstract made by Bartolomé de las Casas; English in the Markham tradition · October 14, 1492
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
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English translation, 1893
others, when they saw that I was not inclined to land, threw themselves into the sea and came, swimming, and we understood that they asked us if we had come from heaven.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Written on the first voyage, two days after the landfall at Guanahani. The original journal is lost. What survives is Las Casas's abstract, partly in Columbus's words.
Intended audience
Ferdinand and Isabella, who had paid for the voyage.
Purpose
To report the island and the people, and to show that the voyage had reached the Indies he had promised.
Point of view
Columbus, guessing at a language he did not know. 'We understood' is his reading of signs and words. The Taíno side of the question is not in the journal.
Christopher Columbus, journal, Sunday 14 October 1492, in Las Casas's abstract; English as printed in The Journal of Christopher Columbus (the Markham wording), Internet Archive identifier thejournalofchristophercolumbus: 'we understood that they asked us if we had come from heaven.' The same clause is in the University of North Georgia anthology, which credits Clements R. Markham. Cecil Jane's Olson and Bourne text prints a different clause ('they were asking us if we had come from the heavens') and is not the line on screen. p1-02's entry for this id quotes other days of the same journal.
Letter to Luis de Santángel on the first voyage (Quaritch translation)
Christopher Columbus · February 1493
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
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English translation from Bernard Quaritch, 1893
And as soon as I arrived in the Indies, in the first island that I found, I took some of them by force, to the intent that they should learn our speech and give me information of what there was in those parts. … who are still of the opinion that I come from Heaven
Sourcing
Historical situation
Written in February 1493, on the way home or just after, to announce the voyage to a Crown official who had backed it.
Intended audience
Luis de Santángel, and through the printed letter the Spanish public.
Purpose
To claim the islands for the Crown, describe the people, and show that force and persuasion had both been used.
Point of view
Columbus, arguing for his titles and his reading of the people. He says they thought he came from heaven. That is his report of their opinion.
Christopher Columbus, letter to Luis de Santángel (February 1493), English from Bernard Quaritch, The Spanish Letter of Columbus (London, 1893), as printed in Julius E. Olson and Edward Gaylord Bourne, eds., The Northmen, Columbus and Cabot (New York: Scribner's, 1906). The book says the translation is Quaritch's. p1-02's columbus-letter-1493 is R. H. Major's different English and is a different source id.
Letter of Francisco Vázquez de Coronado to the viceroy, 3 August 1540
Francisco Vázquez de Coronado · August 3, 1540
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
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English translation by George Parker Winship (1904 edition)
The death of the negro is perfectly certain, because many of the things which he wore have been found, and the Indians say that they killed him here because the Indians of Chichilticale said that he was a bad man
Sourcing
Historical situation
Written at Hawikuh or Cíbola on 3 August 1540, weeks after Estevanico had been killed and after Coronado's own fight to enter the town.
Intended audience
Viceroy Antonio de Mendoza, who had sent both Fray Marcos and then Coronado.
Purpose
To report that the golden cities were not what the friar had described, and that Estevanico was dead.
Point of view
Coronado, passing on what he says Native people told him about a man who was already dead. We stop at 'a bad man' and don't add the accusations that follow in the letter. 'Negro' was the Spanish and English word for a Black African; it is quoted as the writers used it.
Francisco Vázquez de Coronado to Antonio de Mendoza, 3 August 1540, trans. George Parker Winship, The Journey of Coronado (New York: A. S. Barnes, 1904), in the Bureau of American Ethnology printing. The sentence was read in that scan. The letter continues with accusations we don't put on screen.
English translation by George Folsom (1843 edition)
And then he opened his robes and showed his person to me, saying, You see that I am composed of flesh and bone like yourselves, and that I am mortal, and palpable to the touch
Sourcing
Historical situation
Written at Segura de la Frontera on 30 October 1520, after the expulsion from Tenochtitlan, describing the meeting of 8 November 1519.
Intended audience
The emperor Charles V, whose grant Cortés needed, because he had sailed against the governor's orders.
Purpose
To turn the meeting into a lawful surrender to the Crown. Moctezuma's speech, as Cortés reports it, recognizes Charles as the awaited lord and denies that Moctezuma himself is a god.
Point of view
Cortés, through his interpreters. He never writes that anyone took him for a god. An earlier highlight used a different English sentence and credited MacNutt; that wording was not found and was replaced.
Hernán Cortés, second letter to Charles V, 30 October 1520, trans. George Folsom, The Despatches of Hernando Cortes (New York: Wiley and Putnam, 1843). The highlighted sentence was read on Global Grey's text of Folsom.
Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England
William Cronon · 1983
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
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Editorial summary, not a quotation. Cronon describes New England Algonquian land as a bundle of use-rights — fields, hunting places, fishing places — held without the fences English settlers read as the sign of an owner.
Sourcing
Historical situation
A 1983 history of how English settlement changed the land of New England, read here beside the 1586 Roanoke weirs and the 1629 Winthrop argument.
Intended audience
Students and general readers of early American history.
Purpose
To show that the absence of fences was not the absence of owners.
Point of view
A modern environmental historian, writing about New England, not Roanoke. We use the comparison and don't quote him.
William Cronon, Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England (New York: Hill and Wang, 1983). Named in our research notes. No sentence is quoted.
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
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Editorial summary, not a quotation. Francisco López de Gómara published his history of the conquest of Mexico in 1552. He was Cortés's chaplain and wrote in Spain. He never went to America. Our chart uses 1552 as a later stage of the god story, and it does not print a sentence of his.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Published in Zaragoza in 1552, more than thirty years after the fall of Tenochtitlan, while Cortés's reputation was still being argued in Spain.
Intended audience
Spanish readers, and a Europe that had few other full narratives of the conquest.
Purpose
To tell Cortés's conquest as a great Spanish deed, from papers and interviews in Spain.
Point of view
A priest who never saw Mexico, writing the conqueror's story. Nahua memories of 1519 are not his source.
Francisco López de Gómara, Historia de la conquista de México (Zaragoza, 1552). No sentence is quoted. The chart label is a paraphrase.
A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia
Thomas Harriot (the 1590 title page spells him Hariot) · 1588
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
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the people began to die very fast, and many in short space; in some townes about twentie, in some fourtie, in some sixtie, & in one sixe score … some people could not tel whether to think vs gods or men … by shooting inuisible bullets into them.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Written in 1588, two years after the 1585 colony left Roanoke with Drake, to answer colonists who had come home talking the country down.
Intended audience
The 'adventurers, favourers, and well-willers' of the Virginia enterprise, named in the preface.
Purpose
To defend the colony and list commodities, including tobacco, and to explain Algonquian deaths as God's work through the English.
Point of view
Harriot, a young Oxford mathematician in Raleigh's household, writing what he says people around Roanoke made of the English. Their view reaches us only in his English.
Thomas Harriot, A briefe and true report (London, 1588), as printed in English in Theodor de Bry's America, part 1 (Frankfurt, 1590), Documenting the American South. The tobacco sentence, the women sentence, the death counts, 'gods or men' and 'inuisible bullets' were read on that page. p1-01's entry for this id quotes the corn-yield passage, a different part of the same book. Gutenberg 4247 prints 'We ourselues' as one word; DocSouth's 'We our selues' matches our text.
Historia de las Indias, Book III, the cleric's regret
Bartolomé de las Casas; English by John-Charles Duffy · between about 1527 and 1561
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
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English translation by John-Charles Duffy
That he had counseled this, the cleric later repented, judging himself guilty by inadvertence, because he afterward saw and discovered, as will be seen, that the captivity of the blacks is as unjust as that of the Indians
Sourcing
Historical situation
Written late in his life, looking back at the 1510s, when he had urged that enslaved Africans be brought so that Native people might be spared.
Intended audience
Readers of a manuscript he did not publish. He writes of himself as 'the cleric'.
Purpose
To record that the advice was wrong, and that African captivity was as unjust as Native captivity.
Point of view
A man judging his own earlier counsel. The trade he had recommended did not stop.
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
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Editorial summary, not a quotation. In 1539 Fray Marcos de Niza walked north from New Spain with Estevanico as the guide sent ahead. Estevanico reached Hawikuh and was killed there. Marcos's report of great cities is what the viceroy answered by sending Coronado. We do not quote the friar.
Sourcing
Historical situation
A report to Viceroy Mendoza in 1539, after Estevanico's death at Hawikuh and before Coronado's army.
Intended audience
The viceroy, who had to decide whether to fund an expedition.
Purpose
To describe what lay north, in terms that made a further expedition seem worth the cost.
Point of view
A Franciscan who did not enter Hawikuh. What he reports of the town is what others told him after Estevanico was killed.
Fray Marcos de Niza, relación of 1539, known through the copy sent to the viceroy. No sentence is quoted. Coronado's letter of 3 August 1540 is the document we open.
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
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Editorial summary, not a quotation. Thomas Harriot, about twenty-four in 1584, was an Oxford mathematician in Walter Raleigh's household. He learned Carolina Algonquian with Manteo and Wanchese in London and wrote A briefe and true report (1588). The lower third rests on that account.
Sourcing
Historical situation
A modern reference article on an Elizabethan mathematician who also served a colonial project.
Intended audience
Students and readers of Virginia history.
Purpose
To summarize Harriot's life, his 1585–86 stay, and his 1588 book.
Point of view
A modern scholar. The article depends on English records. It cannot say what Manteo and Wanchese thought of the lessons.
Michael G. Moran, 'Thomas Harriot (ca. 1560–1621)', Encyclopedia Virginia. Summary by us.
Published with the Latin edition of Cortés's second letter · 1524
Image. An image of the source. The accompanying description is editorial.
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Editorial summary, not a quotation. A woodcut plan of Tenochtitlan and the Gulf coast was printed at Nuremberg in 1524 with the Latin edition of Cortés's second letter. We lay that print on the judges' table as a European picture of a Native city, made from the conquerors' report.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Cut in Nuremberg in 1524, five years after Cortés entered Tenochtitlan and four years after he wrote the letter.
Intended audience
European readers of the Latin letter who had never seen the city.
Purpose
To show the city Cortés described: an island capital, causeways, a market, a great temple.
Point of view
A European woodcut made from a Spanish report. It is evidence of what Europeans printed, not a Mexica map.
Nuremberg map of Tenochtitlan, 1524, issued with the Latin Praeclara Ferdinandi Cortesii de noua maris oceani Hyspania narratio. No inscription is quoted.
Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo · first part printed 1535
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
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Editorial summary, not a quotation. Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, a royal official who had lived in the Caribbean, published the first part of his natural history of the Indies in 1535. He wrote about Native people with contempt. Sepúlveda, who never crossed the ocean, used reports of this kind. We do not quote Oviedo.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Printed in Seville in 1535 by the official chronicler of the Indies, who had served on Hispaniola.
Intended audience
The emperor, and Spanish readers who wanted a description of the islands.
Purpose
To describe the lands, plants, animals and peoples of the Indies for the Crown, and to defend Spanish rule.
Point of view
A Spanish official who had been there and who did not grant Native societies the standing of European ones. His book is an eyewitness report and a polemic at once.
Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, Historia general y natural de las Indias, part 1 (Seville, 1535). The evidence card is our summary. No sentence is quoted.
Jacques Cartier’s voyage account; H. P. Biggar, editor and translator · 1535–1536
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
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English translation, 1924
the two rogues whom we had brought with us, were telling them and giving them to understand that what we bartered to them was of no value, and that for what they brought us, they could as easily get hatchets as knives
Sourcing
Historical situation
French voyages among the St. Lawrence Iroquoians, 1535–1536; winter at Sainte-Croix near Stadacona.
Intended audience
The French crown and readers of the voyage relation.
Purpose
Record trading relations and discredit the interpreters who challenged French prices.
Point of view
Cartier attributes the warning to both brothers. Taignoagny speaks a compressed first-person adaptation, visibly labelled as reported; Domagaya participates in the image. Their warning concerns exchange value, not the physical uselessness of iron tools. Cartier’s contempt records opposition to their bargaining power, not an objective description of them.
H. P. Biggar, ed. and trans., The Voyages of Jacques Cartier (Ottawa: Public Archives of Canada, 1924), pp. 186–187. The excerpts retain the 1924 edition’s wording, with page breaks and footnote markers removed.
Jacques Cartier’s voyage account; H. P. Biggar, editor and translator · 1535–1536
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
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English translation, 1924
which were that there would be so much ice and snow that all would perish. At this we all began to laugh and to tell them that their god Cudouagny was a mere fool
They dressed up three Indians as devils, arraying them in black and white dog-skins, with horns as long as one’s arm and their faces coloured black as coal, and unknown to us put them into a canoe.
Sourcing
Historical situation
French voyages among the St. Lawrence Iroquoians, 1535–1536; winter at Sainte-Croix near Stadacona.
Intended audience
The French crown and readers of the voyage relation.
Purpose
Report the expedition and justify the captain’s conduct.
Point of view
The voyage account describes three horned envoys and the brothers trying to prevent the Hochelaga journey on 18 September 1535. The question and reply are compressed from reported speech, with reporting labels on both Native and French lines. The French mockery is part of the record; we give the diplomatic warning seriousness. Later scurvy deaths are not proof of a supernatural prediction.
H. P. Biggar, ed. and trans., The Voyages of Jacques Cartier (Ottawa: Public Archives of Canada, 1924), pp. 136–140. The excerpts retain the 1924 edition’s wording, with page breaks and footnote markers removed. Narration summarizes the description; the exchange remains labeled reported speech.
English translation by Buckingham Smith (1871 edition)
Even to the last, I could not convince the Indians that we were of the Christians; and only with great effort and solicitation we got them to go back to their residences.
Sourcing
Historical situation
The surviving officer of the Narváez expedition describes the years 1528–1536 after returning to Spanish society.
Intended audience
The Spanish Crown and readers of the printed Relación.
Purpose
Account for the failed expedition, establish service and credibility, and recommend how to bring Native peoples under Christianity and imperial rule.
Point of view
We quote only the first clause, ending before the semicolon. This is Cabeza de Vaca’s later account of people refusing to group the healers with the mounted Christians; it is not a word-for-word transcript of a discussion.
Cabeza de Vaca, Relación (Zamora, 1542), ch. 34, p. 115; trans. Buckingham Smith (1871), in F. W. Hodge, Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States, 1528–1543 (1907).
Díaz recalls Aguilar’s return to the Spaniards on Cozumel after years in Maya communities.
Intended audience
Readers of Díaz’s account of the conquest.
Purpose
To recount encounters as he remembered witnessing them.
Point of view
Díaz was at the beach; he was not at Guerrero’s home. The bookend’s family image is therefore a recollection of a reported scene, not Díaz’s eyewitness view of the household.
Bernal Díaz del Castillo, Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Nueva España, chapter XXIX, Spanish text (1862 edition; Project Gutenberg 64945). English context: A. P. Maudslay, The True History of the Conquest of New Spain, vol. I (1908), pp. 100–102. Our closing narration quotes the two Spanish words and returns to our earlier reconstruction of the castaways’ choices.
Richard Hakluyt; the anonymous Tiger journal; Ralph Lane · 1584–1586
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
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would join with us or any other most willingly to shake of their most intolerable yoke
Sourcing
Historical situation
Hakluyt seeks royal backing for English colonization while presenting Spanish cruelty as an English opportunity; English voyages follow.
Intended audience
Elizabeth I and her advisers; later Hakluyt readers.
Purpose
The promise seeks investment and allies; the voyage accounts explain actions in America.
Point of view
English authors describe their own ambitions and violence. This comparison does not invent Native promises to support England.
Hakluyt, Discourse of Western Planting (1584), chapter headings, no. 11, modern-spelling NHC extract, https://nationalhumanitiescenter.org/pds/amerbegin/exploration/text5/hakluyt.pdf . Aquascogoc: Tiger journal, 16 July 1585, Hakluyt (1600) III:253. All timeline prose is explicitly editorial; only the excerpt here is quoted.
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
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English translation by Buckingham Smith (1871 edition)
He ran as he discovered us coming, not being willing to wait for us. We sent the negro after him, when he stopped, seeing him alone. The negro told him we were seeking the people who made those fires. He answered that their houses were near by, and he would guide us to them. So we followed him.
The fourth, called Estevanico, is an Arabian black, native of Açamor.
Sourcing
Historical situation
The surviving officer of the Narváez expedition describes the years 1528–1536 after returning to Spanish society.
Intended audience
The Spanish Crown and readers of the printed Relación.
Purpose
Account for the failed expedition, establish service and credibility, and recommend how to bring Native peoples under Christianity and imperial rule.
Point of view
The first-person line changes “The negro told him we were seeking…” into direct reported speech, without adding an offer or promise. Cabeza de Vaca does not preserve Estevanico’s own words. Açamor is Azemmour, Morocco. The portrayal uses the attested name Estevanico and identifies enslavement by Dorantes, not a conjectural personal name.
Cabeza de Vaca, Relación (Zamora, 1542), chs. 20 and 38, pp. 73 and 126; trans. Buckingham Smith (1871), in F. W. Hodge, Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States, 1528–1543 (1907).
Menéndez and his troops attacked the fort in the fall of 1565, killing most of the settlers they found
Sourcing
Historical situation
France’s Protestant colony challenged Spain’s imperial claims to Florida; Menéndez established St. Augustine and attacked the French.
Intended audience
Visitors and students.
Purpose
To explain the violent struggle around Fort Caroline and its aftermath at Matanzas.
Point of view
A modern public-history synthesis, distinguished from eyewitness quotation. The timeline compares Christian justifications and force; it does not imply Valladolid caused these killings.
National Park Service, “Florida: Fort Caroline National Memorial,” attack and Matanzas paragraphs; St. Augustine foundation is also described in the same page.
English translation by Buckingham Smith (1871 edition)
Thence it may at once be seen that, to bring all these people to be Christians and to the obedience of the Imperial Majesty, they must be won by kindness, which is a way certain, and no other is.
Sourcing
Historical situation
The surviving officer of the Narváez expedition describes the years 1528–1536 after returning to Spanish society.
Intended audience
The Spanish Crown and readers of the printed Relación.
Purpose
Account for the failed expedition, establish service and credibility, and recommend how to bring Native peoples under Christianity and imperial rule.
Point of view
The writer’s stated objective is Christianity and obedience to imperial authority. His changed approach does not make him an opponent of all empire.
Cabeza de Vaca, Relación (Zamora, 1542), ch. 32, p. 110; trans. Buckingham Smith (1871), in F. W. Hodge, Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States, 1528–1543 (1907).
las provincias del Perú e de las otras sujetas a la Audiencia Real de aquella tierra
Sourcing
Historical situation
The Crown seeks a legally justified procedure for further expeditions while the conquest controversy is under discussion.
Intended audience
Officials in the jurisdiction of the Audiencia of Lima.
Purpose
To suspend the conquests and discoveries covered by that jurisdiction pending further instructions.
Point of view
A royal instruction is evidence of prescribed policy and geographical scope, not proof of enforcement or an empire-wide stoppage.
Archivo General de Indias, Patronato, royal cédula of 16 April 1550. The excerpt preserves the instruction’s geographical scope: Peru and the jurisdiction of Lima’s audiencia. A broader account of the controversy must not be substituted for the wording of this particular order.
Elenora wife to Ananias Dare was delivered of a daughter in Roanoak
Sourcing
Historical situation
White’s daughter gives birth at Roanoke before he returns to England for supplies.
Intended audience
English patrons and readers.
Purpose
To record an event in the settlement’s life.
Point of view
The grandfather’s account supplies the birth date, not information about the child’s subsequent fate.
White, narrative of the 1587 voyage, birth dated 18 August, excerpt reproduced by Fort Raleigh National Historic Site, Brochure. Combined with the 18 August 1590 search date in White’s fifth voyage and Encyclopedia Virginia, this establishes the third-birthday coincidence; it does not establish that White mentioned or remembered it. It follows the 13 August christening entry for Manteo. These support the calendar date without assigning the birthday observation to White’s 1590 words.
Crown of Spain (a code compiled under Charles II) · 1680
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
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Editorial summary, not a quotation. The Recopilación de leyes de los reinos de las Indias (1680) reprints the rule that discoveries are not to be called conquests. A scholarly account of the earlier 1624 compilation quotes it as ordering that the word conquest be dropped and pacification and settlement used instead. The second chip points at that later rule. Ordinance 29 of 1573 is the document on screen.
Sourcing
Historical situation
A code published in 1680 that gathered laws of the Indies going back more than a century, including Philip II's 1573 ordinances.
Intended audience
Officials who had to apply the law in Spain and in the Americas.
Purpose
To put the scattered royal orders in one book, including the ban on the word conquest.
Point of view
Royal lawyers in Spain, compiling. The code records what the Crown wanted said. It does not record whether officials said it.
Recopilación de leyes de los reinos de las Indias (Madrid, 1680). The explicit 'use pacification instead' sentence was not re-read in the 1680 volume. A page opened for this pass attributes that sentence to the 1624 Recopilación (José Rabasa, citing Gibson). The chapter note names 1680, libro IV, título I, ley VI. No sentence is printed as a quotation.
The Christmas rising of enslaved Africans on Hispaniola, 1521
Spanish colonial record, as summarized by later historians · Christmas 1521
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
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Editorial summary, not a quotation. Around Christmas 1521, enslaved Africans on the sugar estate of Governor Diego Colón rose. Later accounts put the number at about twenty. The chip says that, and no more.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Santo Domingo, Christmas 1521, on the governor's sugar estate, a few years after the first large shipments of enslaved Africans to Hispaniola.
Intended audience
The 1522 ordinances that followed were written for colonists.
Purpose
To mark a rising the records describe as planned, without turning the suffering into a scene the viewer plays.
Point of view
Spanish officials wrote the surviving orders.
The 1522 ordinances, summarized by the City College of New York exhibit 'First Blacks in the Americas,' say a number of enslaved people agreed to rise during the Christmas holiday on Hispaniola. Later scholarship (Lynne Guitar and others, as cited in Ida Altman-era surveys) puts about twenty people, many of them Wolof, on Diego Colón's estate. We don't call it the first revolt.
The Powhatan Indians of Virginia: Their Traditional Culture
Helen C. Rountree · 1989
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
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Editorial summary, not a quotation. Rountree describes the seasonal round of Virginia Algonquian communities: women farmed, while men cleared ground, fished, hunted, and handled war and diplomacy. Applying this Virginia evidence to neighboring Carolina communities requires comparison with local sources.
Sourcing
Historical situation
A 1989 university-press study of Powhatan culture in the Virginia tidewater, used here for the Algonquian division of farm work and the seasonal round.
Intended audience
Scholars and general readers of Virginia Indian history.
Purpose
To describe towns, farming, and the work expected of women and of men, from the written record and later community knowledge.
Point of view
A modern anthropologist. Most of the written evidence was set down by English colonists, so a modern account has to read them against their own aims. We don't quote her.
Helen C. Rountree, The Powhatan Indians of Virginia: Their Traditional Culture (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1989). Same book as the p1-05 source of this id. No sentence is quoted here. The season card cites it for women's farming and men's clearing by fire.
scorning to be seene in any woman like exercise; which is the cause that the women be verie painefull and the men often idle. The women and children do the rest of the worke.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Printed at Oxford in 1612, from Smith's years in Virginia, about the Powhatan towns along the rivers near Jamestown. We use it beside Roanoke, a different nation and a generation earlier.
Intended audience
English readers of a book meant to describe, and to promote, the colony.
Purpose
To explain who did the farming. Smith treats women's field work as the reason men looked idle to him.
Point of view
An English soldier describing another people's work, and judging it.
John Smith, A Map of Virginia (Oxford, 1612), 'Of the naturall Inhabitants of Virginia,' as transcribed by Encyclopedia Virginia. The card's sentence begins at 'which is the cause.' p1-05 quotes the same book in Tyler's regularized spelling; we keep Encyclopedia Virginia's 1612 spelling.
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
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Editorial summary, not a quotation. The narration's lines say that, in Iberian law as this story uses it, non-Christians could be taken, and that baptism freed no one. Those are our sentences. This pass did not re-open Sweet's article, so nothing of his is printed as a quote.
Sourcing
Historical situation
A 1997 article on ideas about African difference in Iberia before the American trade.
Intended audience
Historians, in the William and Mary Quarterly.
Purpose
We use it as the scholarly frame for Zurara's curse and for the claim that baptism did not end captivity. The article itself was not re-read here.
Point of view
A modern historian. Not a sixteenth-century witness.
James H. Sweet, 'The Iberian Roots of American Racist Thought,' William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 54, no. 1 (January 1997): 143–166.
Petition of Francisco Tenamaztle to the Council of the Indies
Francisco Tenamaztle, with Bartolomé de las Casas · June 1, 1555
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
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Editorial summary, not a quotation. On 1 June 1555 the Council of the Indies in Valladolid received a petition in the name of Francisco Tenamaztle, a Caxcan leader sent to Spain as a prisoner. Las Casas helped prepare his legal case.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Valladolid, 1555. Tenamaztle had been deported from New Spain in 1552, after the Mixtón War, and was held at court.
Intended audience
The Council of the Indies and, through it, the Crown.
Purpose
To seek restoration of his freedom and authority and challenge the justice of the wars and dispossession imposed on his people.
Point of view
A petition in Tenamaztle’s name prepared in Spanish with Las Casas. The relationship between his testimony and the advocate’s legal framing is part of the source’s mediation.
Rubén A. Sánchez-Godoy, 'Francisco Tenamaztle, Bartolomé de las Casas and the Role of Translation,' in The Transatlantic Las Casas (Brill, 2022), pp. 88–89. The study dates the Council’s receipt of Ciertas peticiones to 1 June 1555 and identifies Archivo General de Indias, México, 205, N. 1. This is a receipt date, distinct from later proceedings.
The Tale of the Kettle: Odyssey of an Intercultural Object
Laurier Turgeon · Winter 1997
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
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Editorial summary, not a quotation. Laurier Turgeon's study of sixteenth-century Basque and French cargo lists shows copper kettles moving into the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and bracelets and pendants listed as goods of their own. The narration says Native people put European copper to their own uses. It does not say a kettle was cut into ornaments.
Sourcing
Historical situation
A 1997 ethnohistory of one trade object, built from notarial cargo lists, not from a speech by either side at Chaleur Bay.
Intended audience
Historians and anthropologists.
Purpose
To show a kettle changing meaning as it changed hands.
Point of view
A modern scholar reading European inventories. The people who wore the copper are not the authors.
Laurier Turgeon, 'The Tale of the Kettle: Odyssey of an Intercultural Object,' Ethnohistory 44, no. 1 (Winter 1997): 1–29. The narration was rewritten so it no longer says a kettle became bracelets. No sentence of the article is quoted.
Bartolomé de las Casas and the Dominicans of Guatemala; the pact with Alonso de Maldonado · May 2, 1537
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
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Editorial summary, not a quotation. On 2 May 1537 Governor Alonso de Maldonado accepted Las Casas's offer to go, without arms or soldiers, into the region Spaniards called Tierra de Guerra. The friars later called it Vera Paz, true peace. The card says that. Nobody voices it as a quotation.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Guatemala, 1537. A mountainous province the Spanish had failed to conquer, and then renamed as a war.
Intended audience
The governor, the Crown, and the colonists who were to be kept out for five years.
Purpose
Las Casas offered a test: preaching instead of war, with the people left out of encomienda. The card in the debate scene is that test, not a verdict.
Point of view
Spanish friars and a Spanish governor describing their own experiment. Maya accounts of the same years are not the card.
Lewis Hanke, The Spanish Struggle for Justice in the Conquest of America (1949), on the Vera Paz experiment of 1537–50: Las Casas offered to go 'without arms or soldiers' into the province Spaniards named Tierra de Guerra. The pact with Alonso de Maldonado is dated 2 May 1537. Hanke's Internet Archive text was searched for this passage.
English translation by Gottfried von Bülow (1895 edition)
Their faces as well as their whole bodies were very similar to those of the white Moors at home … and they had a very childish and wild appearance. … The Doctor's head was fixed on the gate of London Bridge, where about thirty heads of noble-men and gentlemen were fixed
Sourcing
Historical situation
A German visitor's journal of England in 1584 and 1585. He saw Manteo and Wanchese in London after the 1584 voyage, and later the heads on London Bridge.
Intended audience
His own record, published long after, for readers of a German nobleman's travels.
Purpose
To describe what he was shown: two men from overseas, and, on another day, the heads of men executed for treason. He uses the same eye for both.
Point of view
A foreign courtier. 'Childish and wild' is his judgment of men whose language he could not understand. The clothing sentence between these clauses is left out of the excerpt.
Lupold von Wedel, 'Journey through England and Scotland made by Lupold von Wedel in the Years 1584 and 1585,' trans. Gottfried von Bülow, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, n.s. 9 (1895): 223–270. The Manteo and Wanchese passage is p. 251. The heads are p. 267: 'about thirty heads of noble-men and gentlemen were fixed' on 'the gate of London Bridge.' The sentence about clothing is omitted.
but we were deceived, for those Savages were our friends. The 13 of August our Savage Manteo, by the commandement of Sir Walter Ralegh, was christened in Roanoak, and called Lord thereof, and of Dasamonguepeuk, in reward of his faithfull service.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Roanoke, August 1587. White is governor of a colony that has just killed people it then decided were friends, and is about to christen Manteo.
Intended audience
Readers of Hakluyt's Principal Navigations, and Raleigh's circle.
Purpose
To record the dawn attack and the christening as White wanted them remembered: a mistake, then a reward.
Point of view
The English governor. Manteo is 'our Savage' in White's sentence. What Manteo made of the baptism is not in the page.
John White, narrative of the 1587 voyage, in Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, vol. 3 (London, 1600). The sentences were read on the Internet Archive text of that volume: 'we were deceived, for those Savages were our friends,' and 'The 13 of August our Savage Manteo, by the commandement of Sir Walter Ralegh, was christened in Roanoak, and called Lord thereof, and of Dasamonguepeuk, in reward of his faithfull service.' An earlier draft of our text used spellings that are not on that page. They were aligned to it.
and 5 foote from the ground in fayre Capitall letters was grauen CROATOAN without any crosse or signe of distresse … my bookes torne from the couers, the frames of some of my pictures and Mappes rotten and spoyled with rayne … a certaine token of their safe being at Croatoan
Sourcing
Historical situation
Roanoke Island, 18 August 1590. White has been away three years. The houses are gone. A post is carved. His chests have been dug up.
Intended audience
Hakluyt's readers, and the backers who had waited out the Armada.
Purpose
To show he found the agreed sign, and no cross of distress, and to name who he thought had spoiled his goods.
Point of view
A father and governor reading a carving as good news, on the day his granddaughter turned three. He does not say he remembered the birthday.
John White, 'The fift voyage of Master John White,' in Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations (1600). 'grauen CROATOAN' and '5 foote from the ground' were read in the Project Gutenberg text of the Hakluyt Society printing (ebook 25645). 'my bookes torne from the couers' was read in the 1599 EEBO scan of Hakluyt, allowing for the long s. 'a certaine token of their safe being at Croatoan' is the same page.
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
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Editorial summary, not a quotation. Hakluyt prints a letter from John White, dated from his house at Newtowne in Kylmore, 4 February 1593, concerning the 1590 voyage.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Ireland, February 1593, more than two years after White failed to reach Croatoan.
Intended audience
Richard Hakluyt, who had asked for the story, and then Hakluyt's readers.
Purpose
To send the narrative of the last voyage. The storm shot uses the voyage narrative, not a line of this cover letter.
Point of view
White, writing to the man who would publish him. No sentence is on screen.
John White to Richard Hakluyt, 4 February 1593, printed with the 1590 narrative in Hakluyt's Principal Navigations. Nothing from it is quoted.
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
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The girl holds an English doll. John White, British Museum 1906,0509.1.13. Public-domain scan via Wikimedia Commons.
John White's watercolour of a Pomeiooc chief's wife and her daughter. The girl holds an English doll. No words are read off the drawing.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Drawn on or just after the 1585 voyage, for a record Raleigh's circle could use.
Intended audience
The English who had not seen the coast, including the engravers who later copied the drawings.
Purpose
To show towns, fields, and people as White saw them, in a form that could travel home.
Point of view
An English painter in a colony that was about to need those pictures. The people drawn did not title the sheets.
John White, "A cheife Herowans wyfe of Pomeoc and her daughter of the age of 8 or 10 yeares," watercolour, British Museum 1906,0509.1.13 (dated about 1585–1590). We don't quote the inscription.
Reasons to be considered for justifying the plantation in New England
John Winthrop · 1629
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
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As for the Natiues in New England, they inclose noe Land, neither haue any setled habytation, nor any tame Cattle to improue the Land by, and soe haue noe other but a Naturall Right to those Countries
Sourcing
Historical situation
England, 1629, while Winthrop was arguing for the Massachusetts plantation. Roanoke was already forty years behind him. We use his test on an Algonquian coast he had not seen.
Intended audience
English readers who objected that the land was already inhabited.
Purpose
To answer that objection: no fences, no settled homes, no tame cattle, therefore no civil right he felt bound to respect.
Point of view
A lawyer who had not been to New England, defining ownership by English husbandry. The find card says the weirs and fields were the ownership his test could not see.
John Winthrop, 'Reasons to be considered for justifying the undertakers of the intended plantation in New England' (1629), Massachusetts Historical Society, Winthrop Papers, vol. 2, view PWF02p145: 'they inclose noe Land, neither haue any setled habytation, nor any tame Cattle to improue the Land by.' The same sentence is the manuscript view PWF02d079. A different Winthrop copy, often called the Higginson text, words the objection another way. We follow this manuscript.
The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea
Gomes Eanes de Zurara · about 1453
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
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English translation by Charles Raymond Beazley and Edgar Prestage, 1896
… because of the curse which, after the Deluge, Noah laid upon his son Cain [sic: Ham], cursing him in this way: that his race should be subject to all the other races of the world.
Sourcing
Historical situation
Written for the Portuguese court in the 1450s, in the years of the first Atlantic raids and ransoms along the African coast.
Intended audience
Prince Henry's circle, and a chronicle meant to praise the voyages.
Purpose
To explain, as Zurara believed it, why the captives could be held: a biblical curse on one line of Noah's descendants.
Point of view
A court chronicler. He writes Cain. The usual later name for this story is Ham. Our narration says 'a Bible curse on one man's descendants' and names neither.
Gomes Eanes de Zurara, Chronica do descobrimento e conquista de Guiné, translated by Charles Raymond Beazley and Edgar Prestage, The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea, vol. 1 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1896), ch. 16, as on Project Gutenberg ebook 35738: 'that his race should be subject to all the other races of the world.' The editors' note says the biblical name is Ham, not Cain. The highlight is Zurara's clause.
Arthur Barlowe (account attributed to him) · Voyage 1584
Verbatim. The original words, unchanged.
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We brought home also two of the Sauages being lustie men, whose names were Wanchese and Manteo.
Sourcing
Historical situation
An English reconnaissance encountered Carolina Algonquian communities in summer 1584.
Intended audience
Ralegh and prospective colonial patrons, later Hakluyt’s readers.
Purpose
To report and promote a landfall and the people and resources encountered.
Point of view
An English report making names legible to colonial patrons despite limited initial communication. The reported country-name is evidence of English naming, not proof of a particular Algonquian translation.
Barlowe, account of the first voyage, in Hakluyt, Principal Navigations (1600), III:246–251, Goldsmid vol. XIII / Gutenberg 25645.
Wingandacoa: a recorded name and an uncertain later gloss
Arthur Barlowe; later gloss attributed to Walter Ralegh; editorial provenance note · 1584 report
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
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the king is called Wingina, the countrey Wingandacoa
Sourcing
Historical situation
The 1584 English account gives a country-name. Later accounts associate a related form, Wingandacon, with a compliment about clothing.
Intended audience
English colonial readers, then historians of the voyages.
Purpose
We distinguish a recorded naming from a later interpretation of what was said.
Point of view
Neither Barlowe’s first exchange nor an original Algonquian sentence survives as a linguistic transcript. Ralegh’s late explanation cannot confirm the original meaning.
Barlowe’s recorded name is in Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, Goldsmid vol. XIII, Project Gutenberg 25645. For the later explanation, see David Beers Quinn, The Roanoke Voyages (1955), I, “Raleigh on the naming of Wingandacon,” citing History of the World (1614), book I, chapter 8, pp. 175–176. That later attribution does not establish the original Algonquian meaning. We report the clothes explanation as an unconfirmed later interpretation and assign no exact quotation to Ralegh.
The song Lane welcomed and the warning Manteo gave
Ralph Lane, reporting the party’s interpretation and Manteo · Spring 1586
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
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In the euening whereof, about three of the clocke wee heard certaine Sauages call as we thought, Manteo, who was also at that time with me in the boat, whereof we all being very glad, hoping of some friendly conference with them, and making him to answere them, they presently began a song, as we thought, in token of our welcome to them: but Manteo presently betooke him to his piece, and tolde mee that they meant to fight with vs: which word was not so soon spoken by him, and the light horseman ready to put to shoare, but there lighted a vollie of their arrowes amongst them in the boat, but did no hurt (God be thanked) to any man.
Sourcing
Historical situation
The 1585–86 English settlement depended on Native food. Lane wrote after its evacuation, describing encounters, hostile plans and his killing of Pemisapan.
Intended audience
Ralegh and later readers of Hakluyt’s collection.
Purpose
To explain the colony’s failure and justify Lane’s decisions and violence.
Point of view
The armed colonial governor defending his own conduct. Reported Native intentions and speech survive through his English, including Manteo’s interpretation. Lane’s “as we thought” becomes the labeled line “They sing to welcome us”; Manteo’s “they meant to fight with vs” becomes “They mean to fight with us.” Both are adaptations, not surviving direct dialogue.
Lane, first part of his Virginia account, Moratuc journey, Goldsmid vol. XIII / Gutenberg 25645; Hakluyt 1600, III:258–259. “About three” and the subsequent approach of sunset require late afternoon, not VISION’s night. No words or tune of the song survive. No Englishman was hurt by the reported volley.
Manteo, as reported by John White · After the 9 August 1587 raid
Adapted. Shortened, or spelled the modern way. Same meaning.
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Although the mistaking of these Sauages somewhat grieued Manteo, yet he imputed their harme to their owne folly, saying to them, that if their Wiroances had kept their promise in comming to the Gouernour at the day appointed, they had not knowen that mischance.
Sourcing
Historical situation
The 1587 expedition sent Stafford and Manteo to Croatoan, then raided Dasamonquepeuc on 9 August and christened Manteo on 13 August.
Intended audience
English patrons and Hakluyt’s readers.
Purpose
To recount the expedition, its diplomacy, retaliatory raid and honors, from the governor’s side.
Point of view
White’s expedition narrative includes reports from Stafford’s party and Croatoan informants. Its distinction between friends and enemies and its excuses are the English account, not an independent Native record. White reports both grief and a blame of chiefs’ failure to attend. It cannot establish Manteo’s private motives, approval of the raid or free consent to every English demand.
White, fourth voyage narrative, immediately after 9 August raid, Goldsmid vol. XIII / Gutenberg 25645. Direct adaptation changes “their Wiroances” to “your chiefs,” “they” to “you,” and “knowen that mischance” to “suffered this.” Grief is in the stage direction because White explicitly reports it; we don't endorse the blame.